Security as a Public Value

The purpose of this research is to investigate the role of international organizations in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The objectives are to analyze the notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world. In order to investigate this problem the researcher utilized such scientific methods as deduction and induction, historical and comparative method and the case study one. Historical and comparative methods were used to trace the evolution of international organizations’’ activities with regard to elections observation and compare various organizations’ pertinent processes and procedures. Case study method was used to collect and analyze qualitative data about international organizations’ activity related to elections observation and to define their role in ensuring human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. The notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world were analyzed. As a result, it can be stated that in the increasingly globalized world there are various democratization trends. There are different visions and models of democracy, yet no single one can be considered optimal. It can be noted that international organizations play a significant role in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The dynamic rhythm of global development helps to promote plurality of ideas, political ideologies and ethical values. It can be concluded that in this increasingly interconnected world democracy has the function of a mediator promoting understanding among countries, first of all, through the United Nations. Democracy as a type of political regime, i. e. type of relationship between the country leadership and the people cannot function effectively without active social groups and civil society organizations. The political context has to promote freedom of speech, independent media, rule of law, effective judiciary system and overall respect for human rights. Freedom of expression and political choices are among fundamental human rights guaranteed by democratic national and international laws. International organizations are among the most noteworthy entities on the world arena safeguarding human rights and free expression of people’s political will. International organizations are working actively in order to tackle current threats to human rights, in particular, freedom of expression and freedom of political will. To this end, the international and national organizations provide comprehensive electoral support. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe are actively engaged in providing electoral support and assist in holding objective and just elections worldwide, especially in transitioning countries. They play a key role in providing electoral support in accordance with the international organizations’ mission, bolstering democracy and safeguarding human rights. The role of international organizations in the globalized world as human rights protector continues to be vital and indispensable.

Can goals change the world? In September 2015, the United Nations (UN) unanimously adopted the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to "transform our world" by 2030. With these highly ambitious goals, world leaders pledged to "end hunger", "achieve gender equality", "protect life on land", and much more. Importantly, the SDGs emphasise the need for more collaboration, the breakdown of 'silos' in global governance, and to achieve the SDGs in a balanced and integrated manner. This call for both institutional and policy integration in global governance is long-standing, but remains highly challenging. The SDGs - as the most central and ambitious global agenda so far - have given a renewed impetus to this call. Yet, empirically, we know very little about the effects of global goals. Can non-binding, highly ambitious goals really steer global governance? In this thesis, I investigate the steering effects of the SDGs on international organisations. Specifically, I assess whether - since the advent of the SDGs - institutional integration among and policy integration within international organisations has increased. My methods are both quantitative and qualitative. I rely primarily on a large dataset of scraped websites of 276 international organisations, and assess the contents of and hyperlinks between websites. To complement this data, I also conduct a discourse analysis and analysis on Twitter data. My findings can be summarised in four key points. First, while many international organisations use the SDGs on their websites, the SDGs are not yet a fully global framework. Many international organisations use the SDGs on their websites, and this increases over time. However, the SDGs are mainly used by the larger organisations and by UN entities, while many of the smaller and more regional organisations do not or barely use the SDGs. Second, policy integration overall is increasing, but the integration of environmental topics with socio-economic topics is lagging behind. As mentioned, the call for more policy integration is long-standing, and indeed an increase in policy integration is observed in my study. However, mainly socio-economic topics (ending poverty, decent work, innovation and infrastructure) are integrated with one another, while the integration of environmental with socio-economic topics occurs much less frequent. Third, while policy integration is overall increasing, the SDGs appear not to be an influencing factor. The international organisations that use the SDGs more, do not subsequently show an increase in policy integration. It is rather the other way around: those international organisations that already showed higher levels of policy integration, also use the SDGs more. Thus, the SDGs are used to frame efforts towards policy integration, but do not spur it. Fourth, the SDGs facilitate institutional integration within policy domains. This also means, conversely, that institutional integration between policy domains has decreased. Thus, contrary to political expectations of the SDGS to "break down silos", silos around the 17 issue areas of the SDGs and around the economic, social and environmental dimension of sustainability have strengthened.

This book seeks to analyse various aspects of international law, the link being how they structure and marshal the different forces in the international legal order. It takes the following approaches to the matter. First, an attempt is made to determine the fundamental characteristics of international law, the forces that delineate and permeate its applications. Secondly, the multiple relations between law and politics are analysed. Politics are a highly relevant factor in the implementation of every legal order (and also a threat to it); this is all the more true in international law, where the two forces, law and politics, have significant links. Thirdly, the discussion focuses on a series of fundamental legal-political notions: the common good, justice, legal security, reciprocity (plus equality and proportionality), liberty, ethics and social morality, and reason.

Many readers are perhaps under the mistaken impression that ‘international organization’ and ‘global governance’ are synonyms. However, whereas the former concentrates on formal structures, the latter describes a range of formal and informal processes that reflect globalization and a growing recognition of problems that defy solutions by a single state. For many analysts, global governance overlaps with the rise of international organizations, which according to Craig Murphy’s masterful history of global governance beginning in the nineteenth century are customarily seen as ‘what world government we actually have’.1 However, global governance clearly is not world government — indeed, it is better viewed as the sum of governance processes operating in the absence of world government. At the same time, both international organizations (IOs) in general and the United Nations (UN) in particular — the only universal membership and general-purpose international organization — are essential to understanding contemporary global governance.

In the study, the content and the normative-legal foundations of the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are comprehensively analysed on the basis of the diversity of views existing in legal doctrine, international instruments, and judicial practice. In the first part of the study, the relevance of the topic and its main directions are identified. It is noted that the normative-legal foundations of the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are characterised by a broader scope and a higher degree of systematic coherence compared to other principles of international law. The second part of the study analyses the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the key areas of activity of international organisations; finally, a number of significant aspects are highlighted by distinguishing between international organisations operating in this field. The third part examines the international legal foundations of the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as the essential characteristics of international treaties as the normative basis of this principle. In this regard, reference to specific international treaties makes it possible to arrive at well-founded conclusions. In the fourth part, a number of important conclusions are drawn regarding the content and normative foundations of the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. One of the key conclusions is that the fundamental provisions of this principle are incorporated into the domestic legislation of States regardless of their participation in international treaties in this field. In this context, the primary purpose of the State to ensure human rights, the direct applicability of human rights, the determination of human rights standards on the basis of international treaties, and similar elements may be regarded as essential. The content of the principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms has been further enriched and developed in a new dimension through the specific principles formed in the field of human rights (humanism, justice, the principle most favourable to the individual, development, etc.). Keywords: human rights, international organisations, international treaties, human rights standards, principles of international law, normative-legal foundations, international obligations, international legal custom, international judicial practice, general principles of law.

1. Introduction: The European Union in International Organisations - Functional Necessity or General Aspiration? Christine Kaddous Part I: The European Union in the United Nations 2. The United Nations: A European Union Perspective Mariangela Zappia 3. The Position of the European Union in the United Nations: A United Nations Perspective Markus Schmidt 4. Improving the European Union's Status in the United Nations and the UN System: An Objective Without a Strategy? Jan Wouters, Anna-Luise Chane , Jed Odermatt and Thomas Ramopoulos Part II: The European Union in the International Labour Organization 5. Coordination Between the European Union and its Member States Marco Ferri 6. European Union Participation and Cooperation in ILO Institutions and Activities: An ILO Perspective Part III: The European Union in the World Trade Organization 7. The European Union in the World Trade Organization Post-Lisbon: No Single Change to the Single Voice? Detlev Brauns and Tomas Baert 8. The European Union and its Member States' Participation in the World Trade Organization: A WTO Perspective Janos Volkai 9. The European Union in the World Trade Organization - A Model for the EU's Status in International Organisations? Frank Hoffmeister Part IV: The European Union in the World Health Organization 10. Coordination Between the European Union and the Member States: An EU Perspective Lourdes Chamorro 11. The European Union and the World Health Organization: Interactions and Collaboration from a Governance and Policy Perspective Gian Luca Burci 12. The European Union's Role and Potential in Research and Innovation for Global Health Ilona Kickbusch, Stephen A Matlin, Samantha Battams and Albrecht Jahn Part V: The European Union in the World Intellectual Property Organization 13. The European Union in the World Intellectual Property Organization: From a Cloudy Complexity towards an Ordered Pluralism: An External Appraisal Jean-Christophe Galloux Part VI: The European Union Participation in International Organisations and Its Normative Power 14. How to Evaluate the European Union as a Normative Power in Multilevel Governance of Public Goods? Methodological Pluralism and its Constitutional Limits in European Governance Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann

This article contributes to the literature on global governance, legitimacy, and small states through a detailed analysis of the Global Governance Group. It examines in particular the operational impact and wider conceptual implications of the 3G's collective diplomatic efforts on the Group of 20. By engaging in a reconfigured form of informal multilateralism, the article finds that the 3G has been and is capable of shaping the global agenda with respect to the G-20 in a way that is both more inclusive and connected with existing institutions, especially the United Nations. Through this initiative, this group has effectively recalibrated the existing narrative about small states, the G-20, and global governance--shifting it from the paradigm of efficiency to one of legitimacy. Keywords: 3G, G-20, global governance, informal groups, small states. Informal Global Governance As new centers of power mobilize and old institutions fall behind the curve of change, the trend in world politics has been for countries to substitute, bypass, or marginalize established institutions of global governance in favor of engagement with new forms of cooperative institutional arrangements--in short, toward informality in global governance. International relations theory has traditionally been uneasy with forms of informal global governance. (1) Realists have dismissed them as irrelevant given that powerful members can go it alone, and neoliberal institutionalists are uncertain of what to make of these forums where formal institutional structures or binding agreements are not apparent. (2) Students of rational design see the advance of centralized rather than disaggregated models of international organizations. (3) Yet this trend toward informality is not only important for extending the debate about the manner by which cooperation can be secured in the global political economy after hegemony, (4) but the manner by which small states attempt to influence bigger ones. Marked by less hierarchy and greater flexibility, informal global governance of small states is an admittedly fuzzy concept, and explaining its theoretical relevance has therefore been a challenge for dominant international relations paradigms. Moreover, the relationship between conceptualization and issue-specific international practice beyond the domain of the UN Security Council in select crisis situations has not been extensively explored. Notwithstanding Jochen Prantl's call in his 2005 International Organization article for extended studies of the dynamics between internal arrangements and formal international organizations, there has been scant research that explores the use by smaller states of informal groups to increase their leverage in the global political economy and so increase our understanding of power, legitimacy and change. (5) Thus, in functional terms, there is some considerable space for specialized and more nuanced studies. Although greater attention is devoted to multilateralism light, the focus has been to some considerable extent on the mechanisms used by bigger and stronger countries, not as tools by coalitions of the weak. (6) A major strand of literature that traces forms of informal governance does so in a mode of analysis that privileges clubs of power where informality allows for easier backroom negotiations over contested issue areas as well as the implementation of tough regulations that are monitored in the privacy of informal groups, whether on a permanent or temporary ad hoc basis. (7) Well-known groupings such as the Group of 8 (G8), the World Trade Organization Green Rooms, and the Middle East Quartet on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are reflections of these informal groups, which indeed can be effective at achieving their narrow objective of furthering global cooperation. Yet although we have become accustomed to the idea that these contracting parties should have the requisite resources to back up their influence at the table, this approach should not limit our inclination or ability to perceive of alternative arrangements. …

PurposeThis paper aims to present an overview of the development of the public value accounting approach and its application to public sector accountability in New Zealand.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses the public value framework to demonstrate the outcome-related planning and control mechanisms that are put in place in the public sector. The paper draws from archival research using a case study of the Ministry of Pacific Peoples.FindingsThe public value accounting-based calculative practices are on the rise within the New Zealand public sector. New Zealand’s public sector is oriented towards a public value budget.Research limitations/implicationsThe study is limited through the use of secondary data and the use of content analysis methodology. The research enables policymakers to fund initiatives that enhance the well-being of the community. Public value can be created as a joint effort between citizens and government as evident from the case study. By looking at the totality of the impact of government through public value creation can help to improve policy decisions. Government policymakers need to emphasise on those public value creation that has an enormous positive impact on the citizens. This will also help to improve the relationship between government and citizens through increased trust in the government by citizens.Originality/valueThe paper contributes to the public value research which has received relatively less attention in the literature. Public value accounting is a research field that is yet to achieve a significant level of attention.

International Organizations (IOs), such as the United Nations (U.N.), engage in statebuilding in a range of post-conflict states. Statebuilding scholarship largely assumes that IOs, backed by their powerful member states, have at least temporary authority over the seemingly “weak” states in which they intervene. We argue, in contrast, that many post-conflict states shape IO statebuilding efforts through many statebuilding contracts, which we call incomplete arrangements, that give the post-conflict state the residual rights of control over the unnegotiated components of these statebuilding contracts with IOs. These incomplete arrangements, as opposed to complete takeovers, which are the other type of statebuilding contracts, provide procedural “weapons of the weak state” that enable the post-conflict state to influence what the IO mandate contains, where it intervenes, whom it hires, and when it exits. Using in-depth case studies of Burundi, Guatemala, and Timor-Leste, as well as analysis of 36 U.N. interventions in post-conflict states from 2000–2020, this article demonstrates the potential of incomplete arrangement statebuilding contracts to give post-conflict states institutional power over IO statebuilders, with important implications for scholarship on statebuilding and global governance.

Recent years have seen an unprecedented explosive growth of renewable energy. The demand for global governance in this sphere has also increased. Existing energy institutes proved to be unable to take lead in global governance not only in renewables, but also in the whole energy sector. Therefore, the last 10 to 15 years have been marked by attempts to solve renewable (as well as traditional) energy problems at the informal level, or within the framework of Group of Seven/Eight, the Group of 20 and the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Moreover, authoritative organizations wholly devoted to renewable energy (such as the International Renewable Energy Agency) have emerged.This article studies the structure and trends of the modern global governance of renewable energy. The authors analyze the role and functions of traditional and new energy institutions and informal groupings, and draw parallels with global governance of the whole energy sector. They pay special attention to Russia’s participation in international renewable energy incentives.Both qualitative and quantitative research methods are applied. The article contains multiple examples of analytical research methods and a content analysis of international documents. The authors provide a quantitative analysis of Russia’s results in complying with the renewable energy commitments of informal groups.The authors conclude that traditional international energy organizations sustain a passive position toward renewable energy. The only exclusion is the International Energy Agency, which has transformed its agenda to include renewable energy. The role of informal groups has been limited (because they have broad agendas and because they were created for other tasks than promoting renewable energy). However, their efforts have a positive influence on the harmonization and development of governance in renewable energy. The article argues that on most sensitive energy-related issues (in renewables and climate change), soft governance or governance based on aims and commitments formulated by countries themselves and not by international organizations becomes most efficient; the best results are demonstrated by new agencies dedicated to renewable energy only.According to the authors, although Russia has taken part in all major relevant initiatives, the results of its efforts have been rather poor, except for the creation and implementation of the legal framework for renewable energy. Russia’s efforts have been mostly declarative in nature. The main reason for this poor performance is the low level of renewable energy development in Russia (except for large hydro), underpinned by the prevailing inertial development model of the energy sector and the whole economy. However, the rapid diffusion of renewable energy technologies in global markets may affect Russia’s oil and gas sectors negatively. Therefore, Russia should increase and improve its participation in global renewable energy governance in order to provide national energy and economic security in the long run.

This chapter stems from the consideration that States, when becoming members of international organizations, remain bearers of obligations under international human rights law. This entails that, on the one hand, both in implementing binding acts of the international organizations to which they are members (ECtHR, Bosphorus v. Ireland (GC), App. no. 45036/98, 2005, §153) and in case of failure by those international organizations to ensure respect for human rights, States are not relieved from their own obligations under international human rights law (ECtHR, Al-Dulimi and Montana Management Inc. v. Switzerland (GC), App. no. 5809/08, 2016). This applies also to the contribution of States in the elaboration of the rules of the organization (ECtHR, Gasparini c. Italie et Belgique). As this chapter argues, it means that States must use their leverage (expressed through their right to vote or their diplomatic influence) to ensure that violations do not result from the programmes, policies and rules of the organization of which they are members (Maastricht Guidelines on Violations of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, §19). This chapter also finds, more specifically, that they are required to act within those international organizations in a manner that fosters respect for human rights in general and, more specifically, for duty of care obligations towards civilian personnel sent on mission.

To what extent does naming and shaming influence state respect for human rights? Although many countries and international human rights organizations strategically name and shame states with the hope of deterring human rights abuses, prior empirical work on these strategies has disagreed about their effectiveness. In this article, we reinvestigate this theoretically important question. We take a new approach to examining how naming and shaming influences state human rights practices. First, we apply automatic text analysis to a corpus of human rights reports and develop two new cross-national human rights naming and shaming measures. One measure focuses on Amnesty International’s (AI’s) naming and shaming efforts, and the other focuses on the US government. Second, we assess the construct validity of these measures, finding evidence that they capture the relevant latent dimension. Third, we examine the extent to which these measures are correlated with human rights practices. Our results show that whereas AI’s naming and shaming activities do not seem to influence regime practices, the US State Department’s are associated with improved rights performance. Our measures and results contribute to the growing literature on human rights, international organizations, and foreign policy.

Sovereignty and independence — In matters of domestic jurisdiction — Charter of the United Nations, Article 2, paragraphs 1 and 7 — Action in the Congo — Whether amounting to intervention in domestic affairs of Republic of the Congo — Connection between maintenance of internal law and order and maintenance of international peace and security.Treaties — Interpretation of — Principles and rules of interpretation — Subsequent conduct of parties — Interpretation of constituent instrument of international organization — Relevance of practice within organization — Distinction between practice of organ of organization and subsequent conduct of parties to treaty.International organization — The United Nations — General Assembly — Competence and functions in maintenance of international peace and security — Articles 11, 12, 14 and 24 of the Charter — Meaning of “action” in Article 11 — Whether restricted to “enforcement action” — Competence of General Assembly to set up a United Nations Force — Status of UNEF — Applicability of Article 43 to UNEF.International organization — The United Nations — General Assembly — Budgetary authority of — Article 17 of the Charter — Whether Assembly competent to deal with costs of peace — keeping operations — Relevance of Articles 11 and 43.International organization — The United Nations — Interpretation of Charter of — “Enforcement action” under Chapter VII — Peacekeeping operations — Nature of — Whether UNEF and ONUC comprise enforcement action — Meaning of “action” in Article 11 — Whether restricted to “enforcement action”.International Court of Justice — Advisory jurisdiction — Competence — Discretionary nature of — Circumstances in which Court may decline to give advisory opinion.International organization — The United Nations — Interpretation of Charter of — “Expenses of the Organization” (Article 17, paragraphs 1 and 2) — Whether costs of UNEF and ONUC are such expenses — Meaning of “budget” in Article 17, paragraph 1 — Whether “expenses” limited to expenditure incurred for purposes of the United Nations — Ultra vires expenditure — Criteria for — Relevance of identity of organ taking particular action — Distinction between ultra vires act of organ and ultra vires act of Organization — Conditions for validity of act of Organization — Effect of invalidity — Principles of interpretation of Charter Ordinary meaning — Intention of parties — Whether confined to intention of original signatories — Purposes of the Organization — Effective interpretation — Travaux preparatoires — Relevance of practice — Distinction between practice of organ of Organization and subsequent conduct of parties to treaty — Relevance of practice of majority of Member States — Whether States voting against recommendatory resolution are bound to contribute financially to Its execution.

In this article the frames of democratic global government, which determine the role of a global civil society as an alternative of market-driven globalization, are being analyzed. With this intention the main theories of international political economy – hegemonic stability theory, complex independence theory, new multilateralism, and also the comparison of the approaches to the potential possibilities of strengthening of the role of civil society in the system of global government are being examined.In order to create the necessary framework for democratic global governance in the twenty-first century, global and national civil societies must enter into more intensive synergies with individual national states and international organizations. Therefore, the article aims to define the role of global civil society in the project of global democratic governance as an alternative to market-driven globalization and to consider the main theories of international political economy by comparing their approaches to the potential opportunities of civil society in the global governance system.The article concludes that, based on the definition of opportunities for expanding the role of civil society in global governance, the theory of complex interdependence and the new multilateralism offer the most appropriate theoretical framework for examining the contribution of civil society in removing the tensions generated by globalization. One can talk about the expansion of the role of civil society in global governance, as the growing presence of social movements and non-governmental organizations on the global scene has become visible due to their activities in the areas of services, education, and protection of rights that contribute to the development of a global cooperative system.

This article takes as its starting point the responsibility placed upon corporations by the United Nations’ (UN) Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework as elaborated upon by the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to respect human rights. The overt pragmatism and knowledge of the complex business relationships that are embedded in global production led John Ruggie, the author of the framework, to adopt a structure for the relationship between human rights and business that built on the existing practices of corporate social responsibility (CSR). His intention was that these practices should be developed to embrace respect for human rights by exhorting corporations to move from ‘the era of declaratory CSR' to showing a demonstrable policy commitment to respect for human rights. The prime motivation for corporations to do this was, according to Ruggie, because the responsibility to respect was one that would be guarded and judged by the ‘courts of public opinion' as part of the social expectations imposed upon corporations or to put it another way as a condition of a corporation's social licence to operate. This article sets out the background context to the framework and examines the structures that it puts forward. In its third and final section the article looks at how the framework requires a corporation's social licence to be assembled and how and by whom that social licence will be judged. The success or failure of the framework in persuading corporations to respect human rights is tied to whether ‘the courts of public opinion' can use their ‘naming and shaming power' effectively.