Taiwan’s Security Uncertainty and Response Strategy Under the Second Trump Administration

State of the Union Addresses (SOUA) by two recent US Presidents, President Obama (2016) and President Trump (2018), and a series of recent of tweets by President Trump, are analysed by means of the data mining technique, sentiment analysis. The intention is to explore the contents and sentiments of the messages contained, the degree to which they differ, and their potential implications for the national mood and state of the economy. President Trump's 2018 SOUA and his sample tweets are identified as being more positive in sentiment than President Obama's 2016 SOUA. This is confirmed by bootstrapped t tests and non-parametric sign tests on components of the respective sentiment scores. The issue of whether overly positive pronouncements amount to self-promotion, rather than intrinsic merit or sentiment, is a topic for future research.

On April 30 the United States and the World marked the 100th day in office of Donald Trump as President of the United States. The first 100 days are considered as a key indicator of the fortunes for a new President’s program. This article briefly reviews the 2016 campaign and election, the 11 week transition period, his first 100 days, a brief examination of both American-Russian relations and Sino-American relations, and lastly, what the future bodes for each under a Trump Presidency. The 100 Day period has been chaotic, shifting, and at times incoherent. He has made 180 degree shifts toward many major issues, including Russia and China, which has only confused numerous world leaders, including Presidents Putin and Xi. There has been a definite disconnection between what Trump says about Russia, and what his advisors and cabinet officials say. So far Trump has conducted a highly personalized and transactional foreign policy. All is up for negotiation at this a huge turning point in American foreign policy, the greatest one since 1945. Given all the world’s instabilities today, a rapprochement between the United States and Russia is a truly worthwhile objective, and should be strongly pursued.

US-China relations appear to have attained a more practical and realistic footing following the meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump at the Mar-a-Lago retreat in April 2017. At the meeting, they elevated their existing bilateral talks to a more comprehensive framework and agreed to unveil a 100-day economic plan. Trump further expects China to play a bigger role in reining in North Korea.

It is often noted that former US President Donald Trump brought unpredictability to Washington’s relationship with China. This may appear intuitively true, but in what ways was Trump actually ‘unpredictable’ towards China? We show that the most unpredictable feature of Trump’s approach was his rhetoric, strongly defined by impulsivity, emotion and provocation. This generated rhetorical unpredictability which was regularly seen in inconsistent and contradictory statements. Using political psychology and leadership personality approaches, we further demonstrate that this unpredictable rhetoric can be traced to Trump’s psychological profile. We argue that while the composition of Trump’s China rhetoric was often difficult to anticipate, as a component of his US China policy it was predictable to the extent that it was grounded in his personality. Trumpian China policy broadly followed longer-term trends, but the president’s erratic rhetoric had domestic and international consequences for the relationship. The article further contributes to work on unpredictability in international relations (IR), and on leadership personalities and foreign policy.

Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency in 2025 has reintroduced profound strategic uncertainty for Indo-Pacific middle powers. This article reassesses South Korea's responses to Trump’s first-term diplomacy (2017–2020) as a prototype for navigating asymmetric and highly transactional alliance politics. The study identifies four issue-differentiated strategies adopted by Seoul: early settlement in the KORUS FTA renegotiation, strategic delay in defence cost-sharing talks, targeted persuasion that helped enable two historic US–North Korea summits, and dual-track hedging amid escalating US–China rivalry. These strategies proved effective in managing coercive bargaining during Trump’s first term, but this analysis argues that they are insufficient for the intensified pressures of the ‘MAGA 2.0’ era. Trump’s 2025 policy agenda signals a more institutionalised form of unilateralism with significant implications for regional order. The South Korean case illustrates both the possibilities and limitations of flexible alignment

In this paper, we examined the persistence of shocks to trade policy uncertainty (TPU) in the US and China by using a non-parametric regression to estimate the ADF model, which allows for smooth, time-varying coefficients. Our results show that unanticipated shocks to TPU in the US were more persistent than those in China; however, both countries have exhibited explosive behaviour since 2017. Additionally, we analysed the causal connection between US-China tensions and the persistence of shocks to TPU in both countries using the recursive evolving Granger causality test. Our results indicate that the former leads to the latter.

The populist communication model of perceiving journalists as enemies of the state, presented in the political communication of the 45th US President Donald Trump, seems to be not only reserved for the US but has become a trend for populist leaders worldwide. Such rhetoric has been revitalized by the recent rise of populism in Western Europe, fostered in Central and Eastern Europe and recognized in the local media landscape in Serbia. Tis paper compares the communication models of US President Donald Trump and the Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic as directed toward journalists. The results show that these leaders use a similar communication pattern: they favour divisive issues, stressing a friendly vs. unpatriotic media, alienating the media outlets and contributing to the further polarisation in media and society. This research is based on a qualitative analysis of 12 press conferences, including media statements chosen for their unique interactions with media representatives.

As the US general election looms, feelings are more than mixed about science policy for biomedical and medical research under US President Donald Trump’s administration. As the US general election looms, feelings are more than mixed about science policy for biomedical and medical research under US President Donald Trump’s administration.

International research collaborations could end in wake of US President Donald Trump’s decision. International research collaborations could end in wake of US president Donald Trump's decision.

After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran did not change its policy towards Japan, which was not only perceived separately from the West, but was also a major customer of its raw resources and a potential economic donor. In turn, Japan had to pursue the policy of unstable balancing towards Iran, by coordinating its Middle Eastern policy with its strategic ally, the United States, and simultaneously trying to preserve close ties with Iran, which were important from the point of view of maintaining energy security. The article shows how Japan tried to maneuver between these two countries: it took steps to realize large-scale economic projects in Iran’s energy sector, to limit sanctions, which were minimal on its side, etc., and simultaneously participated in the anti-Iran campaign pursued by Western countries under the pressure of the US, or under the influence of major crises in the region (for example, the Iran-Iraq War). Japan continues to face this “Middle Eastern dilemma” in present times as well. It could partly have been solved by the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the Iranian nuclear program in 2015, were it not for the fact that, two years later, under the US administration of Donald Trump, the US-Iran relations worsened significantly. Nevertheless, in this period, Japan successfully tried its mediatory potential, making use of its good relations with both parties of the conflict: on the one hand, it refused to participate in the US operation in the Strait of Hormuz, on the other, it halted the unfreezing of Iran’s funds in its banks, which had been blocked after the introduction of sanctions by the US administration of Donald Trump. Recently, the activization of China in the region has become a factor of risk for Japan’s Middle Eastern policy, as China tries to use the weaking positions of the US and to occupy the vacuum that was left in its wake, which is illustrated by the signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreement between Beijing and Tehran in March 2021. This forces Japan to deliberately strengthen its positions and expand its presence in Iran. It appears that Japan’s approaches to solving the “Middle Eastern dilemma” deserve special attention in the future as well.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, the issue of racism became a hot topic discussed by the world community, especially in the United States. The bustle of the #STOPASIANHATE hashtag illustrates that the issue of racism is attracting the attention of the world community massively. The emergence of this hashtag was triggered by one of the political propagandas of the Former President of the United States, Donald Trump, through his tweet stating that the Covid-19 virus was the "Chinese Virus". Therefore, this paper aims to find out how the influence of Donald Trump's political propaganda on the level of racism among Asian-Americans. In this paper, the authors use qualitative research methods through case studies. The results show that Donald Trump's political propaganda affects the level of racism in the United States with an increase in hate-speech cases against Asian-Americans by 15% during the pandemic compared to 2019.

The price of oil is highly complex to predict as it is impacted by global demand and supply, geopolitical events, and market sentiment. The accuracy of such predictions, however, has far-reaching implications for supply chain performance, portfolio management, and expected stock market returns. This paper contributes to the oil price prediction literature by evaluating the predictive impact of the US President's communication on Twitter, while benchmarking various Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques, including Term Frequency-Inverse Document Frequency (TF-IDF), Word2Vec, Doc2Vec, Global Vectors for Word Representation (GloVe), and Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers (BERT). These techniques are combined with a deep neural network Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) architecture using a five-day lag for both the oil price and the textual Twitter data. The data was collected during the term of US President Donald Trump, resulting in 1449 days of crude oil price prediction and a total of 16,457 tweets. The study is validated for Brent and West Texas Intermediate blends, using the daily price of a barrel of crude oil as the target variable. The results confirm that including the US President's tweets significantly increases the predictive power of oil price prediction models, and that an LSTM architecture with BERT as NLP technique has the best performance.

On Tuesday, November 5, 2024, Americans will vote for the nest president of the United States. I plan to vote for vice President Kamal Harris to be the next president of the United States. But former president Donald Trump’s ardent male MAGA supporters plan to vote for him to the next president of the United States, because they feel under siege because of certain cultural developments in the United States over the last decade or so. In the present short “Probe,” I use the thought of the American Jesuit scholar Walter J. Ong to explain certain psychodynamics about our contemporary secondary oral culture that are contributing to Trump’s male MAGA supporters feeling under siege over the last decade or so.

President Donald Trump’s decision on December 6, 2017 to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and his directives to transfer the U.S embassy to there, have signaled a sudden shift in the American adopted and declared policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict. This decision is considered as one of the most dangerous regarding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. This study examines the attitude of the American administrations towards the city of Jerusalem by monitoring the historical roots and studying their developments, through using the documents issued by American presidents from 1948 to 2017. It also analyses President Trump’s motives to move forward in the announcement of this decision. The study has concluded that the US administrations dealt with the issue of Jerusalem from the point of view of management rather than resolution and that the United States of America has deviated from its course and position on the issue of Jerusalem, in accordance with maintaining the strategic interests related to Israel.

Background: Covid-19 is a viral illness caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). The disease was first reported during December, 2019, in Wuhan, Hubei in China. On Thursday, the first of October 2020, the White House of the USA declared that the president of the USA, Donald Trump had a positive test for SARS-CoV-2. He initially had mild symptoms which included mostly, hoarseness, lethargy, and fatigue. The treatment received by a patient “Donald Trump” who was considered the most powerful person in the world is studied, and this paper assumed that all the patients in the world are as important as Mr. Trump and tries to offer the best evidence-treatment for them. Patients and methods: Most media including the CNN television channel rightly confirmed that Mr. Trump has been treated by the best doctors in the world with best therapies that could possibly help him in defeating the virus. The CNN, in various programs during the first week of October, emphasized that, American citizens with Covid-19 are not receiving the same treatments as their president Donald Trump. Results: Trump aged 74 years and initially had mild symptoms which included mostly, hoarseness, lethargy, and fatigue. His age, obesity and mildly elevated cholesterol were considered risk factors that may reduce the likelihood of having very favorable outcome. It was reported that he initially took hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malarial drug. The use of a therapeutic approach including experimental antibody therapy, remdesivir and dexamethasone has not been reported as a treatment for one patient before other than Mr. Trump. Obviously, of the three important therapies, only dexamethasone can be offered to almost all the patients with covid-19. Conclusion: It seems that, the most important factors that made treatment of Donald Trump effective and successful are: 1-The early institution of therapy regardless of the generally accepted recommendations. 2-The use of multiple drugs as none of the available drug alone can guarantee successful treatment.