The American Revolution 1775–1783

International Bibliography of Historical Sciences. Edited by the International Committee. The Gospel in the Early Church. By James Mackinnon. The Making of Europe: an Introduction to the History of European Unity. By Christopher Dawson. Byzantine Civilisation. By Steven Runciman. France and Germany: The History of One Thousand Years. By Johannes Haller. La France et L'Allemagne depuis dix Siècles. Par Gastin Zeller. Borough and Town: a Study of Urban Origins in England. By Carl, Stephenson. Verfassungsgeschichte Londons, 1066–1288. 1929. vi + 143 pp. R.M. 5.80. London unter Eduard I and II. Band I, Untersuchungen; Band IT, Texte. 1933. 251 and 293 pp. R.M. 21 (sewn), 24 (bound), for the two vols. By Martin Weinbaum. Scottish Abbeys and Social Life. By G. G. Coulton. The Cambridge Medieval History. Edited by J. R. Tanner, C. W. Previte‐Orton and Z. N. Brooke. The influence of the Commons on early legislation: a study of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By H. L. Gray. The Register of Richard Fox, Lord Bishop of Durham, 1494–1501. Edited by Marjorie Peers Howden. The Second Hundred Years' War. (Berkshire Studies in World History.) By A. H. Buffinton. A History of Europe: Vols. ii and in, 1494–1815. By Andrew Browning and D. B. Horn. Le Commerce Francais à Seville et Cadix au Temps des Habsbourg. 1932. 604 pp. 50 fr. La Ilivalité Commerciale et Maritime entre Seville et Cadix jus qu'à la Fin du XVIIIe Siècle. 1932. 119 pp. 18 fr. Par Albert Girard. Sir Francis Drake. Par Léon Lemonnier. Les relations Anglo‐Hollandaises au debut du XVIlla siècle, d'apres la correspondance d'Alexandre Stanhope, 1700–1706. By Gabryelle van den Hautte. Hudson's Bay Company. By R. R. Pinkerton. The Founding of Churchill, being the journal of Captain James Knight, Governor‐in‐chief in Hudson Bay from July 14 to September 13, 1717. Edited by J. F. KENNEY. England and America. By C. H. Van Tyne. The War of Independence: American Phase. By C. H. Van Tyne. The American War of Independence. By Lieutenant‐Colonel F. E. Whitton. David Hartley, M.P., an Advocate of Conciliation, 1774–1783. By G. H. Guttridge. British Opinion and the American Revolution. By Dora Mae Clark. 1930. A Hundred Years of Catholic Emancipation, 1829–1929. By Denis Gwynn. Catholic Emancipation, 1829 to 1929. Essays by various writers, with an introduction by Cardinal Bourne. The History of the Anglo‐Catholic Revival, from 1845. By W. J. Sparrow Simpson. The Novel and the Oxford Movement. By Joseph Ellis Baker. Franklin Pierce. By R. F. Nichols. The Mission to Spain of Pierre Soulé, 1853–1855. A study in the Cuban diplomacy of the United States. By Amos A. Ettinger. Histoire du Peuple Anglais au XIXe Siècle.‐Epilogue (1895–1914). Tome II, Vers la dèmocratic sociale et vers la guerre (1905–1914). Par Elie Halevy.

This is an innovative study of the British perspective of the Revolutionary War.The War for American Independence was essentially a civil war throughout the colonies: Loyalists and patriots who had grown up together as countrymen found themselves fighting on opposing sides. Troy Bickham asserts that the war proved almost as divisive in the motherland, as the British wielded the almighty pen and went to battle on the pages of the press in Britain. Surpassing the breadth of previous studies on the subject, Making Headlines offers a look at the British press as a whole - including analysis of London newspapers, provincial newspapers, and monthly magazines.The free press in Britain, Bickham argues, was too widespread and too lucrative to be susceptible to significant government interference and therefore provided in-depth coverage on all aspects of the war. Private letters, official dispatches, extracts from foreign newspapers, maps, and detailed tables of fleet strengths and locations filled the pages of daily publications that provided more extensive and more rapid information than even the government could. Due to the inexpensive and easily accessible news, the average British citizen was often as well informed as a cabinet minister. The open editorial nature of the press also allowed someone as socially low as a blacksmith's wife, under the cloak of anonymity, to scrutinize and offer commentary on every political decision and military maneuver, all in front of a national audience.Bickham adeptly leads the reader on an exploration into the varied national debates that raged throughout Britain during the American Revolution, one of Britain's historically most unpopular wars. The British public debated how to defeat George Washington, whose perseverance and conduct was much-admired in Britain, whether captured Americans should be held as prisoners of war or hung as traitors, and the morality of including American Indians in the war effort. Making Headlines also reflects the global perspective of the war held by most Britons, who saw the conflict not only as a fight for America but also as a struggle to protect their worldwide empire as America's European allies turned the conflict into a world war, threatening even the British Isles themselves. This study will appeal to those interested in early America, the American Revolution, British history, and media studies.

(1988). Mahan, Sea Power, and the War for American Independence. The International History Review: Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 59-67.

This work is the most authoritative and wide-ranging encyclopedia on the American Revolution ever created for a student audience. Based on the latest information,American Revolutionary War: A Student Encyclopediais designed specifically to engage its student audience while addressing all core topics in the standard curriculum. Ranging from the end of the French and Indian War in 1763 to the ratification of the Constitution in 1789, it provides essential information for understanding the drive to independence, the day-to-day course of the war, and the nation that emerged from it. With over 1,200 entries and essays and a separate documents volume,American Revolutionary Warcovers every battle and campaign, every political debate and diplomatic encounter. It also introduces students to the broad spectrum of American culture at the time (day-to-day life, art, music) as well as the personal lives of all those caught up in the war. The standards-satisfying content, inviting design, wealth of illustrations and maps, and special resource section for young researchers, will contribute to better homework, special projects, and test preparation for years to come.

From 1815 to 1860 Americans believed that their goals were to assure the success of their republican experiment and to encourage other countries to adopt governments similar to that of the United States. Furthermore, citizens contended that perpetuation of the republic depended upon preservation of the Union, maintenance of a virtuous popula tion, and demonstration of gratitude toward the Founding Fathers. While attempting to accomplish these objectives, Americans were controlled by the nineteenth-century theory of history-philosophy teaching by example. The primary function of history was didactic; a study of the past would inculcate loyalty and patriotism to the nation. On the personal level, historical figures should be emulated in order to instill in individuals the virtues of self-reliance, perseverance, industry, piety, consistency, benevolence, and disinterestedness. A virtuous population would put the good of the nation above all other considerations thereby assuring the perpetuation of the Union. When other nations saw how prosperous and happy Americans were, they would more readily imitate the government of the United States. Given the goals of Americans and the prevailing philosophy of history, it is not surprising that citizens turned to their Revolutionary history, for the War of iv Independence was the first common experience of the American people. According to nineteenth-century citizens, the Revo lution proved that the Union was essential for overcoming adversity, and the Constitution represented the written foundation of the Union. A generation that produced the cornerstones of American government-the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution-consisted of heroes who were certainly worthy of emulation. Venerating their fathers, citizens believed that they were contributing to their own patriotism by imitating the virtues of their ancestors. To most Americans of the nineteenth century, the Revolution represented the ideal by which they judged them selves as well as others. Though they became disillusioned when foreign upheavals failed to produce republican govern ments, Americans felt even more determined to carry on the work of the Founding Fathers. Constantly looking to the past for guidance, most citizens began to wonder if they themselves were living up to the standards of the Revolu tionary generation. Other Americans, however, began to question the popular image of the Revolutionary heroes by emphasizing unsavory aspects of the War of Independence. At the time that citizens were looking to the past, the United States itself was undergoing a transition from a simple agrarian nation to an economically complex one. Despite the changes in economics, politics, attitudes, and values, most Americans continued to use the Revolutionary v generation as the standard of measurement. When problems of tariff, banking, reforms, slavery, and territorial expansion were discussed, both opponents and supporters of particular policies used some aspect of Revolutionary history to justify their positions. Because the Revolution itself was a complex event, the War of Independence ironically became another sectional issue that widened the gulf between North and South. Rather than discussing the validity of the views of the war, this study analyzes the image of the Revolution found in histories, biographies, fiction, orations, journals, and congressional debates. An attempt is made to relate the image of the Revolution to contemporary events and issues between 1815, a year that marked a resurgence of nationalism, and 1860 when the Union divided along sectional lines. vi

The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, with Some Account of the Attitude of France toward the War of Independence. By Charlemagne Tower, Jr., LL.D. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1895. Two vols., pp. xi, 494, 537.) Get access The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, with Some Account of the Attitude of France toward the War of Independence. By Tower CharlemagneJr., LL.D. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1895. Two vols., pp. xi, 494, 537.) John Bassett Moore John Bassett Moore Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 1, Issue 1, October 1895, Pages 158–160, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/1.1.158 Published: 01 October 1895

: This paper examines the strategic leadership competencies of British General William Howe during the American Revolution (1775-1778). During the American War of Independence, General Howe displayed periodic tactical brilliance and operational competence but consistent strategic ineptitude. After arriving in America, Howe was quickly thrust into the position of Commander-in-Chief of British Forces and General of North America. Howe's lack of self awareness, ineptness in managing the personalities of his subordinate commanders, personal biases, and lack of political savvy resulted in the strategic failure of the British war effort. Howe's difficulty in transitioning from tactical, through operational to the strategic level provides a useful example as to the dramatically different challenges faced by current leaders as they prepare for and address similar challenges in our contemporary operational and strategic environment.

Prince Hall was enslaved in Massachusetts and trained as an artisanal leatherworker. He was apparently granted a great deal of physical and mental freedom by his enslaver, as he managed to join a Congregational Church and start his own Freemasons Lodge. When the fighting started in the American War of Independence, Hall became a prominent voice in the cause of freeing all those enslaved in the colony. Hall was also an early advocate of the “back to Africa” movement, wanting to return to a continent he had probably never been to. As such, he wanted to fight for the cause of American independence, expecting it to lead to African American independence too. The colonists’ war to secure what they saw as their natural rights raised the obvious question of the natural rights of enslaved people in the British colonies too, and Hall was inspired by the rhetoric found in the Declaration of Independence to ask the Massachusetts Legislature to grant the freedom of all those enslaved in the colony.

Journal Article Revolution Downeast: The War for American Independence in Maine. By James S. Leamon. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press and Maine Historical Society, 1993. xviii, 302 pp. $29.95, ISBN 0-87023-823-X.) Get access Charles E. Clark Charles E. Clark University of New Hampshire, Durham, New Hampshire Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 81, Issue 2, September 1994, Page 660, https://doi.org/10.2307/2081221 Published: 01 September 1994

In the review of the monograph (Alentieva T.V., Timchenko A.I. The Anglo-American War of 1812–1815 and the American Society. SPb.: Alethea publishing house, 2018, 275 p.) about the attitude of the American society to the war it is underlined that the authors of the book focus on the diversification of the public opinion, they analyze in detail reasons for the lack of consolidation in the face of the military threat and show on a large and quite new factual material (including visual) regional features of the United States in the war period. The reviewer recommends reading this monograph.

Reviewed by: In My Power: Letter Writing and Communications in Early America Adrian Chastain Weimer Dierks, Konstantin . 2009. In My Power: Letter Writing and Communications in Early America. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4153-2. Pp. xviii + 356. $45. Networks of communication forged by middle-class letter-writing habits proved a distinct advantage to patriots in the War for American Independence. More broadly, modes of letter-writing contributed an "ideology of agency" in eighteenth-century America. In this important book at the intersection of ideologies of modernity, material culture, and middle class practice, Konstantin Dierks argues that when men, women, and eventually children achieved prowess with the writing of a letter, they gained access to social networks which could help them achieve a more secure, comfortable life. Further, properly manufactured and composed letters became central to a new business culture that prized routinization, procedure, and reliability. Examining not just the content of letters but their visual and material culture, letter-writing manuals, the use of letters in newspapers, postal history, and the cultural, economic, and military work being done by correspondence, Dierks offers a significant re-evaluation of what it meant to be middle-class in the eighteenth century. [End Page 94] When the bourgeoisie wrote letters, which they did with frequency after 1750, they were most interested in self-improvement and self-articulation. Astutely identifying the common phrase "In my power", Dierks argues that men and (some) women wrote in order to express both their agency and their limitations: for an individual letter writer, what was "in my power" and not "in my power". Above all, letter writing involved a commitment to investment in skills and materials, self-discipline, the internalization of social norms for efficiency and courtesy, a duty to keep up relationships, and politeness (or, later, sentimentalism). Aware when they were stretching the conventions in manuals, correspondents strove to tighten familial and economic bonds and to define their position in the world. This "myopic" and self-serving epistolary culture, however, omitted consideration of "dispossession and slavery" in what amounted to the "severing of agency from ethics" central to middle class modernity (182, 114, 8). Whereas in the seventeenth century letters served to affirm the authority of social elites, by the late-eighteenth century letter-writing was perceived as a "universal" medium of communication. This very assumption of "universality", however, elided inequalities in access to education, technologies, and supplies. The abilities, affinities, and networks achieved by letter-writers ultimately led to an "epistolary divide" between middle-class whites and those lower on the social strata. Though briefly noting the participation of enslaved blacks and native Americans in documentary cultures through, for example, the forgery of travel passes, Dierks finds non-whites notably, and culpably, absent from middle class epistolary worlds. While Dierks's main argument is based on this omission of social ethics in epistolary culture, his most fruitful field of positive evidence centers on the history of the post. A fascinating story emerges of the "intrepid experimentation and unfortunate struggle" of men such as Andrew Hamilton and Edward Dummer, who, a half century before Benjamin Franklin, pioneered the colonial postal service (51). Staffed mostly by middle-class men (with the notable exception of the remarkable Baltimore Postmistress Mary Katherine Goddard) the postal service grew into a monumental communications infrastructure. First controlled locally, when it became lucrative the post was subsumed into the British imperial system. Then a full year before independence was declared, the colonial post rebelled. Ousting British postmasters from their positions, sometimes by force, the Parliamentary Post Office became the Constitutional Post Office. Speed of communications became supremely important in maneuvering troops and supplies during the war, with British commanders at a disadvantage when [End Page 95] they had to send letters by boat. A political ideology of freedom of communication existed uneasily with ubiquitous surveillance of the mail for military intelligence or signs of treason. Dierks makes a compelling case for the crucial role played by letters in military strategy and family survival during wartime. Assuming that theology gives way to bureaucracy in English culture, Dierks spends little time on religion and or epistolary networks among religious groups. One wonders, for...

The Newfoundland Fishery: A French Objective in the War of American Independence

The Illicit Trade & Conflict Connection: Insights from U.S. History

Congress a den of self-serving scoundrels but heaped praise on George Washington, the American Cincinnatus. The general personified the dilemma that faced many Britons during the conflict: he was a quintessential English-American gentleman, despite being the enemy. He represented much of what the British Atlantic community thought admirable while commanding an army in a cause that many Britons believed would ruin the empire. He had fought for king and country in the Seven Years' War and had even served with a number of the British officers who commanded the king's troops during the War of Independence. He was not from New England and so was not tarred with the radicalism most Britons associated with the region and blamed for the outbreak of hostilities.1 Nor was he a professional soldier. Instead, Washington was a successful member of Virginia's planting elite, thus having much in common with the country gentlemen who

In contrast to the British constitutional model, whose political and legal system progressively evolved in response to the twists and turns of history, in the last third of the eighteenth century there appeared in western constitutional history a new model based on a revolutionary break with the past. This occurred first in the United States of America, a new country spawned by a colonial rebellion against the English Crown. The colonists’ revolt became a full-fledged revolution when the 13 colonies agreed to become 13 independent states, whose representatives, gathered in Congress, approved constitutional prescripts to govern the relationships between them: the Articles of Confederation. This process was facilitated by the fact that from the outset the English colonists had enjoyed considerable autonomy from London; the English monarchy (in stark contrast to the Spanish) had always employed a colonial model essentially based on private initiative. The fact that the colonists governed themselves almost from the very beginning explains how after their break with the Crown they were able to establish the first viable republican regimes in contemporary western history with relative ease. The American states and the federal constitutions they would endorse were based on a rejection of the monarchical principle still prevailing in Europe, the establishment of assembly-based government based on popular sovereignty, and limits set down in written constitutions. The American Revolution’s importance as a landmark event in Western constitutional history was magnified when many of its principles triumphed across the Atlantic during its European corollary: the French Revolution.