日本第一VS.和平崛起:冷戰前後東北亞國際秩序的衝突與整合

The Department of East Asian Studies at the University of Vienna was established on January l, 2000 by merging the Institutes of Sinology and Japanese Studies. Initially comprising the pillars Sinology, Japanese, and Korean Studies, the fourth pillar, the Chair of East Asian Economy and Society (EcoS), was established in 2007. The first Head of Department was Erich Pilz (2000-2001), followed by Sepp Linhart (2001-2012), both leading researchers on Japanese history, society, and culture. The current head is Rudiger Frank (since 2012), specialized in East Asian politics and economics, in ge- neral and North Korea, in particular. In addition to six professors, the Department of East Asian Studies currently has a staff of about 50 permanent and temporary researchers and lecturers (Institut fur Ostasienwissenschaften der Universitat Wien, 2001-2013).In addition to language courses, the disciplines Sinology, Japanology, and Koreanol- ogy offer strong social and cultural science studies. EcoS focuses on current political, security, and economic relations in East Asia and the respective national political and economic systems. The Department of East Asian Studies applies a broad area defini- tion of East Asia by incorporating North-East and South-East Asia. In this context, South-East Asia, in particular the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in promoting East Asian regionalism, has always figured prominently in the respective EcoS courses. Yet, in order to demonstrate the growing international rel- evance of this region, it has been a strategic aim of Rudiger Frank to institutionalize South-East Asian Studies at the EcoS Department to complement its range. In Octo- ber 2013, the position of a university assistant at the postdoc level was created. Two university assistants (praedoc) and one study assistant, concentrating on North-East Asia, complete the EcoS team. Overall, the teaching and research program at EcoS reflect the interconnectedness of North-East and South-East Asia. For instance, two key areas of research are state socialist systems (notably China, North Korea, and Vietnam) and climate change, the environment, and energy.Since October 2008, EcoS offers a four-semester Master of Arts (MA) as well as a PhD course on East Asian Economy and Society. Since an adaption of the curriculum in 2011, the MA is offered exclusively in English, and South-East Asia features explic- itly as an area of research in addition to the North-East Asian countries China, Japan, and the two Koreas. The Master course promotes the inter- and transdisciplinary comparative analysis of international relations and of domestic politics and econom- ics in the region in the twentieth and twenty-first century. In their Master thesis, students have to compare specific topics in at least two countries, either in North- or South-East Asia. The program provides students with a broad range of possibilities to specialize in topics of their choice. In addition, students have to acquire basic lan- guage skills in an East Asian language, particularly in Chinese, Japanese, or Korean. An admission requirement is a Bachelor or an equivalent college or university degree; eligible majors are, for instance, Japanese, Korean, and Chinese Studies, (Internation- al) Business Studies, or Political Science. The five core modules are Contemporary East Asian Language, East Asian Economy, East Asian Politics, East Asian Society and Research, and Master's Colloquium.Due to the popularity of the program in other European but also East Asian coun- tries, student numbers have far exceeded the initial planning for 25 students per study year (217 Master students in the summer term 2013). Due to the shortage in staff, room, and teaching resources, the rectorate decided to introduce admission re- quirements, starting with winter term 2013/2014. Since then, students have to apply for admission to EcoS; inter alia, they have to submit a demanding letter of motiva- tion, detailing their research interests and goals after graduation. …

This paper firstly analyzes the triangular relations among the PRC, ASEAN, and Taiwan and the different strategic interests of each side, the deep concern in Southeast Asia of China would be more political and diplomatic; for the ASEAN's perspective, it would be more comprehensive; for Taiwan's perspective, it would be more economic. Obviously, it's not smart for each side to pursue or build a hard-line alliance against any big power in East Asia. Secondly, this paper presents some evidences in multilateral, bilateral and unilateral level to clarify the Triangular Relations on Sino-ASEAN, ASEAN-Taiwan and Cross-Straits relations. Thirdly, The paper explain the influence the New Bandwagoning Scenario in East Asia. Especially the Taiwan Ma Ying-jeou's government has tried to improve the better relations with China since May 2008, that means cross-straits relations may probably help to slove the obstacles between Taiwan and ASEAN member states. Taiwan will assume an ”attitude of practical participation” in striving for its goal of being included in regional economic integration. Which is a global trend and that major economies, including China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and India, Taiwan wants to enter into FTAs with ASEAN to create a stronger and larger economic entity and boost their mutual economic and trade relations.” Taiwan expects that under the ASEAN charter and by means of a practical model, it can begin dialogue and cooperation with the organization and proceed to meaningful participation in ”ASEAN + N” regional dialogue and negotiations.

將「亞洲」作為歷史、文化、知識有聯繫性的空間，並且從這一空間出發重新思考歷史、現實和未來，這無可非議。但是，這種關於「亞洲」的思想，歷史很長，在日本的明治時代即中國的晚清時代就有了的。本文追溯日本明治時代的「亞洲主義」言說及其發展，也追溯晚清至民初中國知識階層對「亞洲主義」的反應，指出雙方有相當大的差別，立場、心情和思路相當不同，而造成這種不同的背景，當然與雙方當時的處境有關，特別與各自的民族主義，以及各自的近代性追求有關。無論日本還是中國，十九世紀末二十世紀初的「民族主義」都表現為對於國家整體的近代性追求，即通過追求富弦來凸顯民族存在，而追求富強又只能是近代化和西方化，於是，民族立場和普遍價值就常常混雜在一起。因此，對於同一個「亞洲」，那個時代的中國和日本在認知上有相當大的差距。近年來，有的學者重新提出「亞洲價值」或「亞洲共同體」的意義，但是，我們還是需要追問，第一「亞洲」，是哪一個「亞洲」，是東亞，還是整個亞洲？第二，「亞洲」作為地理學的一個空間，如何可以成為一個文化認同空間？第三，日本所認同的「亞洲」，是否就是中國和韓國也都認同的一個政治或文化共同體？第四，「亞洲」究竟是一個需要建構的共同體，還是一個已經被認同了的共同體？換句話說，它是已然的歷史，還是希望的現實？

Contents: Introduction: a framework for peace in the era of globalization, Nam-Kook Kim Part 1 Globalization and the New World Order: American primacy and European responses, Peter Gowan European integration and the future of the nation state, Jaime Pastor Globalization, transnational corporations and human rights, Chinsung Chung. Part 2 European Experience and Asian Reality: The European experience: the millionfold trauma of the 20th century is still virulent, Holger Heide Europe and East Asia: holistic convergence of fundamental skepticism?, Nam-Kook Kim Regional integration and income disparities: the lessons of Europe for East Asia, Woosik Moon. Part 3 Imagining an Asian Regional Community: On an East Asian community, or Kant's cosmopolitan right reconsidered, Motohide Saji Openness and inclusiveness: unfolding regionalism in Northeast Asia, Yongtao Liu Beyond the East Asian grand division: imagining an East Asian peace belt of Jeju-Okinawa-Taiwan islands, Samsung Lee Index.

East Asia (EA) is conventionally defined to comprise China and Japan, the four newly industrialized economies (NIEs) of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEANs) economies. The EA region is well known for its dynamic economic growth through the past 50 years. The first wave of EA's high growth was led by Japan, and it soon spread to the four NIEs and some ASEAN economies. This marks the first rise of EA or EA-I. Japanese economists used to explain such a phenomenon as the ‘flying geese pattern’. The second wave of EA's high growth was led by China, and it is currently spreading into the whole of the EA region. The second rise of EA or EA-II is economically much more formidable than EA-I because of China's vast economic scale compounded by its high rates economic growth. The China-led EA-II today accounts for 24.4% of global GDP (higher than the US share of 21.5%), as compared to 15.2% of the Japan-led EA-I. Increasingly, China's economy operates not just as an engine of growth for the EA region but also a catalyst for regional economic integration. After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, global economic gravity has clearly shifted to EA. However, individual EA economies are still beset by problems of structural imbalance. Above all, the future of EA-II critically depends on the continuing economic rise of China, i.e. the ability of China's economy to sustain its dynamic economic growth without falling into the ‘middle-income trap’. EA economic growth has been taking place in the kind of regional order that is, from time to time, undermined by bilateral discord and regional conflict. China as the region's largest economy will no doubt continue to lead the region's economic growth and shape the pattern of economic relations among the EA economies. Increasingly trade and investment in the region are gravitating towards China. However, for a long time, China will not be able to shape the region's geo-political landscape. China's message of ‘peaceful rise’ has not been unequivocally accepted in the region. China's overall relations with other EA economies will continue to be ‘hot in economics and cold in politics’. The growing political and strategic role of the USA has further complicated China's relations with other EA economies in the region. For years to come, China's geo-political leverage in the region will remain limited as opposed to its expanding geo-economic influence. The existing regional order in EA will, therefore, continue to be marred by uncertainty and instability. It is still a long way from the East Asian Community, which is to be based on not just sustainable economic growth and increasing integration, but also harmonious political and security relations.

ASIANPERSPECTIVE, Vol. 31, No. 1, 2007, pp. 7-13. Introduction to the Special Issue RECONCILIATION BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN: THE KEY LINK TO SECURITY COOPERATION IN EAST ASIA Peter Van Ness The emerging power of China—be it "peaceful rise" or "China threat"—has been analyzed repeatedly by experts. But to date little has been concluded about America's precipitous relative decline, both in its hard and so-called "soft" power. The policy failures and disastrous initiatives of the George W. Bush admin­ istration have yet to be tallied up strategically. More important for Asia is the need to investigate the critically significant junc­ ture between the two patterns: China's rise and the U.S. decline. That relationship, no matter how difficult it is to measure in material terms, has begun to reshape strategic relations around the world, and especially in East Asia. It is the major strategic transformative event of 2007, the Year of the Pig. The crux of that structural shift in global power in East Asia has emerged in China's relations with Japan, America's most important Asian ally. It is there that the future of the region will very likely be decided. Will it be cooperation or confrontation? The stakes are high. Leaders in Beijing and Tokyo, responding to the changing strategic environment, will decide whether to make a future together as the key major powers in an East Asian Community or else to take sides in a renewed cold war between the United States and China. Crises over North Korea as a nuclearweapons power, Taiwan, territorial disputes in the East China 8 Peter Van Ness Sea, or a possible Japanese decision to "go nuclear" will test their willingness to work together for the future of a peaceful and increasingly prosperous East Asia. In August 2006 at the Australian National University, we convened an international workshop on "Reconciliation between China and Japan: A Search for Solutions," funded by the Depart­ ment of International Relations in the Research School of Asian and Pacific Studies and the International Centre of Excellence in Asia-Pacific Studies.1 Twenty-one scholars from Australia, Japan, China, the United States, and several other countries participat­ ed. The ANU workshop was the first part of a continuing, collab­ orative project on historical reconciliation and cooperative securi­ ty in East Asia. A second workshop, to be hosted by Amitav Acharya at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, will be convened later this year.1 2 The purpose of the ANU workshop was to prompt discus­ sion and debate about the best ways to encourage reconciliation between Japan and China. Our objective was to produce con­ crete and realistic policy proposals for enhancing security coop­ eration between the two Asian powers, especially with respect to their participation in the Six Party Talks on the North Korean nuclear issue and in the potential East Asian Community. Among sovereign states, it is always easier for governments to lapse into confrontation or even conflict than to work together to achieve mutual benefit. To cooperate requires conscientious design, constant attention, and committed care by all parties. In the proposed design for an East Asian Community, for example, none of the countries in the region, including Australia, wants to have to choose between China and Japan. They want to build viable security institutions that include both Asian powers. The analogy often mentioned is that, just as a security community in Europe required cooperation between Germany and France, so the East Asian Community will need to be built on security 1. The workshop was organized by Mel Gurtov, Richard Tanter, Amitav Acharya, and Peter Van Ness on behalf of the Department of Interna­ tional Relations, Research School of Asian and Pacific Studies, at the ANU. 2. To organize and sustain collaboration among an international network of scholars, we have established a blog at: http: //www.China-JapanReconciliation .blogspot.com/. Reconciliation between China andJapan 9 cooperation between China and Japan. When Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro was in office, Japanese-Chinese economic relations continued to improve while their political-strategic relations grew worse—what has often been called "cold politics and hot economics." Analysts of the contemporary Sino-Japanese relationship have discussed...

Importance in the sustainability of agricultural systems has long been recognized in relation to maintaining and improving agricultural productivity in harmony with the surrounding environment. In many cases, however, the sustainability is discussed rather qualitatively, not quantitatively. This is mainly because of lack of measurable indicators to express the degree of the sustainability in the system. The nutrient is an essential element for the agricultural systems and the appropriate management of such nutrient should be one of the key points for sustainable development of the system. Moreover, the nutrient flow within the system can be quantified at a certain degree and the nutrient budget that is a consequence of balance between input and output may be closely related to sustainability. Optimization of nitrogen cycling in the farm community is considered to be an important aspect as nitrogen is a major nutrient to increase agricultural production. In this paper, a whole picture of the nitrogen cycle for agricultural production that was constructed based on data collected from agricultural statistics, research reports, study reports, field observation, interview with farmers and information from experts, will be presented with particular focus on three areas in the East and Southeast Asian countries such as Shandong province in China, Northeast Thailand, and Mekong Delta. The obtained nitrogen budget is also discussed in order to improve sustainability of the system. Corresponding author: osamuito@jircas.affrc.go.jp Although various types of farming systems can be seen in East and Southeast Asian countries, the dominant systems in the region largely depend on local biophysical conditions, especially climatic factors that most affect agricultural production and can not be modified by the effort of the individual farmer. The agro-ecosystem in the region can be broadly classified into six categories according to the FAO definition as can be seen in Fig. 1. The FAO agro-ecological zoning system is based on simple parameters such as length of growing period, mean monthly temperature and daily mean temperature (Pingali et al, 1997). In this paper, an example of typical farming operation will be picked up from three agro-ecosystems (warm semiarid subtropics with summer rainfall, warm sub-humid tropics and warm humid tropics) and direction of sustainable development of farming systems will be briefly discussed based on research outcomes that have been produced by the projects that the Japan International Research Center for Agricultural Sciences (JIRCAS) conducted in the region. Special attention will be placed to analyze agricultural production from the viewpoint of nitrogen flow for its sustainable development. Chapter 1. Sustainable Bioproduction Systems 48 Fig 1 Agroecological zones in south, south east and east Asia (modified from Pingali et al. 1997) Estimation of Nitrogen Flow A whole picture of the nitrogen cycle for agricultural production in three target regions was developed based on data collected from agricultural statistics, research reports, study reports, field observation, interview with farmers and information from experts (Matsumoto et al, 2000, Matsumoto et al, 2003). Nitrogen Flow in Shandong Province in China The first example is from Lingxian County, Shandong Province, China that belongs to warm semiarid subtropics with summer rainfall (Yagi and Hosen, 2000). The intensive upland cropping is dominant with wheat, maize, vegetables and cotton as major crops. The regional analysis of the nitrogen flow indicated an excessive load of nitrogen to arable land and the environment (Fig. 2). The load is mainly due to increasing consumption of chemical fertilizer in addition to increasing manure application. The analysis of nitrogen budget based on statistics suggested that the balance between input and output of nitrogen in arable land was 288 kg N/ha/year in 1997. There was an increasing trend in the nitrogen load; for example, the balance in 1981 was 159 kg N/ha/year that accounted for 55% of that in 1997. Nitrate pollution to groundwater due to excessive application of nitrogen fertilizer should be a major concern in near future, but the present level of nitrate in the groundwater collected from wells is still within the acceptable range, indicating that the nitrate pollution has not been widely spread in the region despite increasing amount of nitrogen application. Warm serniarid tropics Warm subkarmid tropics

The transmission of Chinese books to Japan played an important role in the formation of book culture in the Edo period of Japan. Much research has been done by Oba Osamu (1927-2002) on this subject. But relevant topic on the late nineteenth century is still little has been known, especially on how a specific book has been circulated between China and Japan. This article traces Dushi guanjian (My Humble Opinions on ＂Records of the Grand Historian＂), which was written by a talented lady Li Wanfang (1692-1767) in eighteenth-century Guangdong and was reprinted (Kabusebori) by Ikeuchi Tosho (1814-1863) in 1856, Osaka. The author takes this case study as an example to investigate book as a medium in the history of Sino-Japanese culture encounter in the nineteenth century. Through this study, the author found that the study of cultural exchange and that of history of books should be merged together tightly so that they will not only be considered a matter of trading. Last, we may reconsider if it is possible to build up a special field for doing research on the history of books in East Asia.

INTRODUCTION In the past decades, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has evolved rapidly to become one of the key emerging regional institutions in the world. As one of its key agendas, ASEAN has promoted progressive regional integration alongside the reduction of the intra-regional development gap. The process of ASEAN integration has been wide-ranging and inclusive, leading to significant benefits to members, even the less-developed ones such as Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV). Although the “CLMV growth story is one ASEAN success story with lessons … on the potential benefits of economic integration” (ERIA 2014), maintaining the momentum for further improvement is essential. The idea of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is not new. The initiative actually represents a continuation of the “Concentric Circle Strategy”, which gradually builds on ASEAN integration in the form of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) to be created by 2015 and ASEAN-plus integration with “ASEAN centrality”. The RCEP was initiated by ASEAN itself in 2011 with the Association's Framework for RCEP. In 2012, leaders of all sixteen economies — including ASEAN members, China, Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand, and India — supported and agreed to launch the RCEP negotiations. Fundamentally, the RCEP resembles the various efforts around the region for broader regional integration, such as the East Asian Free Trade Area (EAFTA) initiative by China and the Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia (CEPEA) proposal by Japan. Since the RCEP originates from ASEAN's aspirations, a couple of natural questions arise. The first is whether the RCEP arrangement can be really effective for sustaining growth and narrowing the development gap in the CLMV countries. The second question is whether the RCEP can benefit from the AEC framework. In answering these questions, one may need to start by identifying their possible impacts on these member economies. Complications introduced by the new context of Asia-Pacific integration — i.e., the ongoing Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations — should also be considered carefully even though not all the CLMV countries participate directly in the process. These questions and issues constitute the main analytical focus of this chapter. The remainder of the chapter is structured as follows. Section 2 summarizes the main possible impacts of the RCEP on the CLMV countries.

Global coexistence with the rise of China is the most pressing strategic challenge of the current era. Failure by both China and the United States, the two great powers in East Asia, to manage China’s rise has the potential to destabilize not only East Asia but also global politics. This is especially the case because East Asian politics affects the vital interests of China and the United States and because East Asia is the world’s most dynamic and important economic region. US and Chinese inability to manage China’s rise and their bilateral strategic relationship also has the potential to lead to heightened regional instability, including trade wars, arms races, crises, and great-power war.

The trends of globalization and regionalization have accelerated population flows, which test national immigration policies and the ability of the states to deal with cross-border affairs. Southeast Asia has been the important region of Taiwan’s foreign investment since the 1970’s. Due to the trends of globalization and regionalization, the flow of population has been increasing among countries in Southeast Asian region. “Southward policy” strengthened the energy of economical development and population flow between Taiwan and the region of Southeast Asia. The Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement has provided the opportunity of Economic integration among Taiwan, China, and Southeast Asia. The market of capitalism economy has developed gradually in Taiwan. The economic growth of Singapore has been the most rapid and stable in East Asia. Facing the change of social structure and the need of economy transformation, Singapore addresses the ideology of Statism. In recent years, Singapore and Taiwan have led in many migrants from Southeast Asian countries and China. There are similarities and differences in political ideology and economical institution between Singapore and Taiwan, which are comparable. Singapore and Taiwan have the same historical courses, similar ethnic groups, and corresponding political-economic conditions. They are both diversified immigration countries composed of Chinese mainly, with development limited due to the small land area, where populations are aging even faster and birthrates are lower. Because of the change of social structure and the need of economic transformation in the region since the 1990’s, both countries have different alternative models of immigration policy making. The miracle of East Asia has led to great demand for immigrant labor, but most states of East Asia have adopted strict control measures on international labor migration. However, due to international needs and domestic conditions, which are forming different challenges to both countries. While ASEAN community is formed in 2015, it will alter the types of international immigrants. The massive flow of migrants will become the main driver of the change of society, economy, politics, and culture. Each country has different developmental course, and due to the lack of international immigration rules, this article will discuss the crucial factors and difference by comparing the formation of immigration policies. What are the main factors that affect both countries’ immigration policies and what are the differences and similarities in these policies? This article will focus on the functional imperatives of the states in the aspects of migration, and we will observe the crucial factors involved in migratory inflows, from demographic structure, economic need, and the efficiency of nation, to civil society. Furthermore, it will help focus on the variables of growth of the population, the need for labors, autonomy of the state, and civil rights, to develop a dynamic model which can explain and predict the outcome in shaping a state’s immigration policy in terms of encouragement, restriction or prevention. We would like to set up an ideal type which can explain and predict the alternative models of immigration policy making in the countries, and make a contribution to migration theories.

The process of economic integration in East Asia has increased the ranks of those who are calling for an extension of regional cooperation to the field of exchange rate policies, in order to safeguard and further promote the already strong intra-regional trade relationships. Coordination mechanisms that limit the variability between the exchange rates within the area, while allowing at the same time for a sufficient degree of flexibility against the currencies outside the region, could also facilitate a collective appreciation of East Asian currencies, encouraging a rebalancing of demand and a reduction in global balance of payments imbalances. However, economic and political factors highlight the challenges and the drawbacks associated with the development of monetary and exchange rate arrangements in theregion.

Based on ”Strategy of Action” of Andre Beaufre, this article will discuss the strategy of action that Taiwan should take after the establishment of China-ASEAN FTA by analyzing the external and internal environment. First of all, it will illustrate Andre Beaufre's concept of strategy of action, and then adopt it to arrange the structure of this article. When discussing the external environment, we will focus on Asia and Pacific region, namely East Asia, including ASEAN, China, Japan and South Korea. As for the internal environment, it will focus the US, which has an alliance with Japan because the US and Japan's East Asian strategy would have an influence on Taiwan's strategy of seeking international position. Then, this article will draw the policy objectives by implementing diagnostic of politics via the external and internal environment. Finally, it will discuss the action strategies that Taiwan should take in the ASEAN ”10+1” and ”10+3” era.

Late Mesozoic neritic-continental strata of East Asia show intercalations of conglomerates including microfossil-bearing clasts. Some clasts are presumed to have originated in mid-Mesozoic accretionary complexes (ACs) of East Asia. Microfossils ( e.g ., radiolaria, conodonts) in these clasts can provide age constraints. Relationships between rock facies and age in sequences of the mid-Mesozoic ACs have been clarified in previous studies; therefore, the rock facies and the age of the clasts offer a clue about denudation history and provenance of the mid-Mesozoic ACs. This study compiles previous studies of microfossil-bearing clasts within the Late Mesozoic in the Outer and Inner Zone of Southwest Japan and in the Gyeongsang Supergroup in the southeastern Korean Peninsula. The compilation, at present, recognizes three denudation stages (Stages A, B, and C) of the mid-Mesozoic accretionary complexes. Stage A (Oxfordian-Hauterivian) is characterized by an initial and narrow denudation. The denudation of the mid-Mesozoic ACs started at some point in this stage, but it was of limited extent. Stage B (Barremian-early Albian) is characterized by wide denudation: the mid-Mesozoic ACs became largely exposed. Afterwards, some younger geologic bodies of the mid-Mesozoic ACs, which were structurally underlying, were exposed and denuded. Stage C (late Albian–) is characterized by denudation of almost all the mid-Mesozoic accretionary complexes. This denudational evolution might be related to some tectonic and igneous events in East Asia, such as the uplift of the Tetori Group in late Hauterivian-early Barremian and the initiation of the granitic magmatic activity in middle Albian.

Why red‐dominated autumn leaves in America and yellow‐dominated autumn leaves in Northern Europe?