ABSTRACT This article discusses the development of an Indonesian spaceport on Biak Island from defense and security perspectives. Biak Island has a competitive geographic advantage, being close to the equator, and serving as an optimal launch site for spacecraft heading to Geostationary Earth Orbit. Additionally, Biak Island is in the eastern region, directly facing the Pacific Ocean. It serves as a gateway, facilitating direct interaction with neighboring states, giving it strategic value for national sovereignty. Using concepts of national defense and security, and the spaceport as a strategic national area, primary and secondary data related to the spaceport are discussed using qualitative methods. The development of the Indonesian spaceport on Biak Island from the perspectives of security and defense are expected to be an infrastructure that will support strategic defense, contributing to the security defense of the eastern Indonesian border region and upholding the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia.

ABSTRACT Synthetic biology is a new and promising way of managing challenges which may be faced by astronauts during human space missions. Due to specific constraints, which include long term travel and future settlement where in-situ resources are limited, synthetic biology provides a rational solution. In this paper, we start from an evaluation of ethics of synthetic biology, and propose application of a systematic consequentialist approach for deployment. We discuss possible applications of synthetic biology in resource utilization and life support, which have direct applications to sustaining human-kind both on Earth and in space.

ABSTRACT Australia is currently experiencing a reinvigorated space program with a new space agency, significant industry investment in space ventures, and the Australian Defence Force embracing the military advantage conferred by space systems. Coincidentally, geostrategic instability has led Australia’s government to raise its military preparedness in the face of increased risk of state-on-state conflict. Accordingly, military planners are considering not only what future space capabilities are needed by Australia, but the prospect of space warfare and what the state should do to protect its equities in the space domain. We conclude that developing a stronger normative framework is the best option for the preservation and growth of Australia’s future space capabilities.

ABSTRACT The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic and competitive geopolitical region. Besides its core maritime nature, there is also outer space politics. There are three important spacefaring states in the region, namely India, Japan, and China, as well as dozens of emerging space countries. Entering the New Space era, however, tense space competition among them is increasing. While space technologies are becoming a significant part of the pursue of their cooperative developmental agenda, so is the use of it for their own national security interests. The problem that arises is whether space diplomacy increases or decreases the stability of the competitive Indo-Pacific region. This paper aims to explore the opportunities and challenges of how space diplomacy can be a means to keep a stable Indo-Pacific by using qualitative approaches and concepts of space diplomacy.

ABSTRACT Significant recent scholarship has addressed the apparently accelerating proliferation of antisatellite (ASAT) weapons in the international system by proposing the development of new institutions or instruments for arms control in space. However, the historical record is not encouraging for this approach, as the last 40 years have seen repeated, failed attempts to do just that. How might it be possible to surmount this evident resistance to developing an arms-control regime for space? This article advances the argument that rather than attempting to create new mechanisms for controlling ASATs, the most profitable path forward may be to reframe kinetic space weapons as strategic weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). It presents a typological framework for the classification of WMDs, and situates kinetic ASATs within this rubric. It then discusses how reframing kinetic ASATs as WMDs could provide for the effective control of such weapons by rendering them subject to existing treaty and normative frameworks, thus avoiding the need for new agreements or institutions. Finally, it discusses some of the limitations and potential consequences of this approach.

ABSTRACT In 1995, W.D. Kay authored a book, Can Democracies Fly in Space? Observing the problems that NASA experienced in carrying out its ambitious mission set, Kay argued that the vagaries of democratic governance including multiple policy areas and leaders, a difficult task environment, a large and diverse group of interested businesses and organizations, and uncertain budgets all contributed to NASA’s challenges and difficulties. Since the publication of Kay’s book, however, there have been significant developments in space, particularly, the rise of space commercialization. This paper reassesses Kay’s argument given these changes finding that democracy may not directly smooth the path for space exploration, but does provide the opportunity for private companies to do so. Given this, the paper highlights a research agenda moving forward that focuses on the intersection of government, business, national security, and normative concerns that take advantage of a growing number of states and companies who are undertaking space exploration. Indeed, through the view of space commercialization, democracies can fly in space.

ABSTRACT This essay is a conceptual and historical critique of the astropolitical proposals for global security in Everett C. Dolman’s Astropolitik: Classical Geopolitics in the Space Age (2002) and Daniel Deudney’s Dark Skies: Space Expansionism, Planetary Geopolitics, and the Ends of Humanity (2020). It focuses on the divergent views on space weaponization and world political order presented by the two authors. It reflects on previous critique of their work, examines strengths and weaknesses in their arguments, and highlights their shared common ground. The essay places their debate in a historical context by tracing the origins of the concept of space superiority and the Outer Space Treaty, and considers their ideas in relation to U.S. space policy in the 21st century. The critique concludes that the proposals advanced by both authors are problematic. In response, it suggests a rapprochement in the form of a United Nations Space Agency and Space Guard.

ABSTRACT Despite sixty-plus years of technological development, space activities are still ultra-hazardous in nature. These activities range from essential to modern life, like telecommunications, to futuristic and forward thinking, such as space tourism. In order for these activities to not only continue but also develop and grow, their inherent risk must be managed. Political will is lacking at an international level to create new binding rules for activities in space. Likewise, states are reluctant to unilaterally impose stricter, even if ultimately beneficial, regulations on their entities for fear that their domestic industries will flee abroad to greener pastures, creating a regulatory prisoner’s dilemma. States also usually require certain levels of insurance and indemnification to protect themselves against potentially costly mishaps. Likewise, banks and investors will often require insurance to protect their investments, as space business tends to be costly. Thus, a disproportionate amount of responsibility and authority can be transferred to a small number of global space insurers. They may be uniquely positioned to enforce, or at least promote, mechanisms to increase safety and sustainability in the commercial space industry. Increasing safety and sustainability in outer space may help to keep insurance premium costs from growing out of control for these hazardous activities. This article analyzes the sociolegal literature on risk and insurance as governance and applies these concepts to the space sector, considering the possibility that space insurers have become de facto regulators in space and exploring the implications of that possibility.

ABSTRACTInternational law concerning outer space is developing at a steady pace since humankind’s first step towards space exploration in 1958with the launch of Sputnik 1 and Explorer 1. Since then, space is a growing area of political and economic significance. While significant steps by the international community of states in the form of treaty obligations and principles in international space law are apparent, it is yet to be ascertained whether, and if at all, there are customary international laws or jus cogens principles in place regarding outer space and the issues of governance therein. This paper enumerates and discusses the different principles of outer space law and determines if these principles attain the status of jus cogens.

ABSTRACTSpace manufacturing is an expectation since the rise of the space age. Because of shifts in both national and global space policies, along with accidents and loss of human life in space missions, the idea of space manufacturing was postponed. Today, it is viable due to the maturity of efficient reusable launch technologies and an emergent space renaissance in the commercialization and privatization of space activities. Manufacturing in space carries a promise of new products and improved articles of manufacture. At the same time, there are legal problems to address prior to capital investment in space manufacturing. The problems stem from the lack of proper regulation, and the duality of the two legal systems of international space law and patent law. Both systems are crucial to the development of a framework for space manufacturing operations, which are currently in an early experimental phase. The author argues that international space law requires the creation of new doctrines that aligns with patent law, ensuring proper recognition of products manufactured and traded in outer space, especially those that are manufactured using space resources.