The purpose of this work is to consider the features of the formation of the phenomenon of political worldview in the conditions of transformational processes taking place within the framework of the global world order. The methodology of the research was discourse analysis, as it allowed the author to identify trends emerging in the intellectual space and socio-political discourse, which made it possible to solve the problem of interpreting the content of the problem field and assess its impact on the formation of attitudes of the political worldvie. The paper defines the essence of the phenomenon of worldview, which consists in the ability of a person to have a holistic picture of the world, as well as the possibility of acquiring values and ideals that determine the motives of behavior and goals of life strategy. A comparative analysis of such phenomena as ideology and worldview is carried out, during which the author comes to the conclusion that the phenomena under consideration, having a common basis for the sphere of value meanings, can have a mutual influence in the process of forming ideological guidelines. Special attention is paid to the problem of forming a political worldview in the conditions of changing the previous system of the world order. For many, the familiar unipolar world order today is increasingly coming into a state of degradation. The former system is gradually being replaced by the emerging model of a multipolar world order, which has the potential to form the basis of the worldview of the political worldview of modern Russian society. The conclusions the author comes to are that a complete and consistent view of the world requires consistent work on its formation, which also concerns the political worldview. This circumstance leads to an understanding of the importance of purposeful activity to form an integral paradigm of the world order in the consciousness of Russian society.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the activities of three generations of Catalan philologists and linguists who have made a significant contribution to the development of linguistic Catalan nationalism. The author analyzes the history, directions, forms and features of the activities of several generations of Catalan intellectuals, whose activity contributed to the normalization and standardization of dialect forms of Romance speech in Catalonia, which led to the emergence of the modern Catalan literary language. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the historical, political and cultural contribution of nationalist intellectuals to the development of the Catalan language through the prism of the social consequences of modernization processes. The article analyzes 1) the main stages in the history of various generations of Catalan linguistic nationalists, 2) their participation and role in the processes of standardization and normalization of the Catalan language, 3) the contribution of language activists to the consolidation of the Catalan linguistic identity in particular and the national Catalan identity in general, 4) the role nationalist intellectuals, amateurs and professional linguists, in the development of Catalan nationalism, 5) the contribution of linguistic nationalists to raising the status of the Catalan language in the social, political and cultural spaces of Catalonia. It is assumed that Catalan linguistic nationalism significantly complemented political nationalism, contributing to its strengthening and consolidation of the Catalan national identity in contexts of social transformation of the region's society. The generations of linguistic Catalan nationalism are identical to the stages in the history of political and ethnic nationalisms. The results of the study suggest that in the 19th and 20th centuries, the cultural activity of linguistic nationalists contributed to the processes of modernization of Catalonia, which led to the transformation of the region from a peripheral one to a region with complete social and political structures, the functioning of which was impossible without the Catalan language.

The article reveals the concept of worldview, its significance in every person`s life as an individual. The purpose of the study consists in considering the problem of worldview, based on the view of the students of the Far North. In accordance with the goal, the researchers were assigned the following tasks: disclosure of the concept and types of worldview, identifying their differences; definition of the problem of the emergence of a worldview in the context of changes and the origin of significant events in the political sphere; conducting a sociological survey among students from the Far North, to identify the main problematic issues concerning the variability of their worldview, as well as its stability; research of the work of the founder of Yakut literature, the first of the researchers of Yakutia, whose works occupy a significant place in the formation of the worldview of every inhabitant of the Far North. In the process of forming a worldview, a person faces limitationsthat is, with what we call distinctiveness, which implies nationality, religion, territory of residence, age, upbringing; in addition, at this stage, the formation of a political worldview takes place. The political worldview itself is associated with the individual's search for his place in the political or social sphere, which is manifested in the individual and subjective aspects of the political worldview, the peculiarity of which lies in the values of a particular society, where there is more often the influence of the dominant view. Such influence exists due to the hypertrophied authority of one person (or a limited circle of personalities). The arguments of these opinion leaders in favor of their own points of view are sometimes convincing to large masses of people. Also, people can perceive the beliefs of one person as their own, without an assessment of correctness or it own analysis, which in most cases is connected with the search for simple solutions. Choosing the path of a kind of "energy saving", people take on faith the opinion of another person who seems more competent. Based on the results of the study, in the second part of the work, the authors formulated some conclusions. In the mechanics of a difficult choice, when a decision is not made automatically, one of the reasons for uncertainty is highlighted: the instinctive resistance of a person, the feeling that he is going against himself, violating personal attitudes. Persuasion is a powerful tool not only for management, but also for strengthening the personal stability of the worldview. A leader with sufficiently developed persuasion skills is able to convince almost any opponent of the truth of his worldview.

The subject of the article is the peculiarities of the formation of the worldview of Russians in a crisis society and their reflection in public discourse. The method used was content analysis of newspaper and journalistic texts from 2012 to June 30, 2022 using the information and analytical system "Medialogia". The study confirmed the increase in the volume of positive connotations of the "worldview-ideology" dichotomy in publications. At the same time, traditional values, as well as trust in the authorities, manifested in the "Crimean" and "Donbass" consensuses, are beginning to occupy an increasing place in the worldview. This feature is the subject of acute controversy between the authors of the liberal and conservative positions. The article offers a conceptual explanation of this discussion. Despite ideological differences, both points of view exaggerate the role of ideology in the construction of ideological discourses. The authors of the article propose a concept of interpretation of the relationship between ideology and worldview. The uniqueness of human consciousness makes the concept of "common values" a convention. But this is a necessary convention that sets the community, without which the worldview is impossible. And the essence of ideology, interpreted as the ability to form universal judgments, lies in the creation of such a convention. The commonality of these judgments is ensured by the similarity of the position in the social space, in the system of public relations. The specifics of the social environment explains such features of the worldview as conservatism and support for the authorities. The theoretical contribution consists in clarifying the semantic content of the concept "worldview", its epistemological scope and relationship with the category "ideology". The practical contribution lies in the inclusion of a scientific circulation of the results of an empirical study of public discourse, which makes it possible to draw analytical conclusions and build predictive models in the strategy and tactics of political management.

This work aims a theoretical analysis of the historical situation of social problems politicization in modern Russia, by referring to achievements of modern historical sociology of revolutions and interdisciplinary synthesis in the study of social movements. Turning to the achievements of the historical sociology of revolutions and social movements allows us to understand the politicization of social problems in modern Russia within a broader theoretical context. As well it allows us to understand politicization in modern Russia within the context of state crises as revolutionary politicization (which is a consequence of “revolutionary neurosis” phenomenon). Besides this turning helps theoretically explore the politicization of social problems in modern Russia as a communicative (ideological) crisis in relations between the state and society. This theoretical analysis bases on the qualitative methodology of modern social research in the study of political and social phenomena. The generalized method of this work is the comparative social hermeneutics of historical phenomena of revolutions and states, based on the political theory of J. Habermas. Author considers the politicization of socially significant topics as a constant dialogue between state and society. The communicative rationality of the state aims at understanding in dialogue. Transition from the USSR to the Russian Federation destroyed the Soviet ideological paradigm and a new ideological paradigm is being created, which affects the complexity of the dialogue between state and society. The author concludes that the phenomenon of revolutionary politicization in modern Russia (the abnormality of the dialogue between the state and society) is a consequence of the lack of communicative rationality at the state.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of the city as a communicative environment that creates images. Concrete historical examples of the formation of the image of the city, both from the side of the internal observer and from the side of external actors, are considered. The morphological analysis used in the study makes it possible to consider in more detail the elements of image construction and their interconnection. According to the results of the study, the author concluded that the formation of the image of the city takes place from two positions in relation to it – «inside» and «outside». Each of them defines the city as a unique environment at different levels. The first way of constructing the image of the city is based on personal understanding and reading, which makes the city understandable in terms of its use. The second type of image is associated with the formation of a city brand, which is based on a strong archetype or dominant that makes it unique and recognizable. Correctly constructed images are beneficial for the authorities, since attractive cities can be a magnet for investment, which in turn entails the socio-economic development of both the city and the region as a whole.

The object of this review is an interesting and politically relevant monographic study by Lidia Evgenievna Grishaeva «The Pulse of Sanctions: the Russian historical aspect». In the monograph, the author proves the politically motivated specifics of Western sanctions against the Russian Federation, an important task of which was to try to achieve competitive economic advantages. In this connection, the author reveals the problem of a cardinal contradiction in the position of the collective West, which publicly declares theses about the free market, but at the same time introduces illegal sanctions that do not correspond to the content and laws of the liberal market economy. At the same time, the author emphasizes that certain goals of causing economic damage to Russia were achieved, although the consequences of the sanctions were also ambiguous. The most original are the author's conclusions about the Russian policy of import substitution, the essence of which the author shows very convincingly, but critically noting that this policy did not fully achieve the originally set goals. The author's historical digression into the formation of the international financial system is very important. It is quite possible to share the author's thoughts about the importance of innovative development of the country, about the objective close relationship between the economy and politics, and ways out of the economic crisis. It is important that the author was able to write about it so clearly and openly. The monograph of L.E. Grishaeva is of interest both from the point of view of studying the history of the issue, and from the point of view of determining the modern role of Russia, understanding its place in the world political and economic system. Tracing the dynamics of the sanctions impact and the methods of their practical application, the author comes to a convincing conclusion about the fundamental ineffectiveness of sanctions measures, if initially the tasks of political transformations are set in the directions necessary for the West in relation to the countries that have become the object of sanctions policy. The monograph by L.E. Grishaeva is undoubtedly of scientific interest and can be used to study Russian history and politics of the XX-XXI centuries, various aspects of international relations, the history of the world economy, the processes of globalization, etc.

The purpose of this study is to examine how cohesively EU member states’ act in Libya. A timeline (2015-2020) is justified by the fact that the real political process for uniting the country torn apart by civil war has been launched in 2015. The degree of unity is demonstrated by the analyses of the four powerful and most active member-states’ (France, Italy, Great Britain and Germany) positions on Libyan. The author develops the hypothesis (previously used in his researches) on the EU states’ political and economic interests, which have a decisive influence and define the course of the EU countries and, consequently, the cohesion of the EU foreign policy. The “changes on the ground” and the intervention of third countries identify additional variables, which influence the unity in the EU. The method is based on comparative analysis, where content analysis and study of documents are supportive methods. In conclusion we confirm the influence of political and economic priorities on the EU's ability to pursue a coherent policy towards third countries. At the same time, both intervening variables - “changing the situation on the ground” and the role of third countries - can promote unity or lead to a split. In any case, the lack of unity, coupled with the activity of third countries, deteriorate the influence of Brussels and, according to some estimates, marginalize the European Union in Libya.

The purpose of the article is to identify the advantages of introducing artificial intelligence into life and potential threats to its use using the example of leading countries in this field - the USA, China and the UK. Research methods such as case herds and comparative studies have been chosen as the main ones. With their help, the use of artificial intelligence technologies in the field of politics and public administration, domestic and foreign policy and ensuring national security was analyzed. The goals of using artificial intelligence technologies in the power and management sphere of different countries are indicated. The scope of artificial intelligence technologies application is considered. The role of the National Strategy for the Development of Artificial Intelligence in Russia, adopted in 2019, was noted. Arguments are formulated "for" and "against" the use of artificial intelligence. It is stated that at present artificial intelligence has become an integral element of state and social development. Over time, it will only gain momentum and once again become a topic for discussions of scientists, politicians and public figures, as artificial intelligence technology gradually become part of the life of society.