This article focuses on the realization of incrementality in Polish verbal and nominal constructions. The object of investigation is clause-embedding reveal-type concepts like ‘prove’, ‘reveal’, or ‘show’. In Slavic languages, incremental relations have traditionally been examined in direct relation to (im)perfectivity, with imperfective verbs enforcing partial affectedness of events and objects, and perfective verbs enforcing their total affectedness. In the present paper, I take a closer look at the incremental output within the reveal-type concept. I investigate whether an incremental event comes with a fixed incremental path that remains intact independently of any morphological or syntactic modifications. My research question is: Is an incremental feature specified in the lexicon as is the aspectual value ‘(im)perfective’, or does it rather arise compositionally? To answer this question, I analyze the impact of the dative argument and the nominalization on the incremental output of clause-embedding reveal-type predicates. I demonstrate that incremental meanings are affected by the properties of an entire construction. Based on that, I propose to distinguish between two types of incrementality: the non-modifiable (im)perfectivity-dependent partial and total integration requirement, and the compositional incrementality that arises as an interplay between lexical semantics, argument structure, and the morphological shape of the respective lexeme.

This qualitative study examines the language ideologies surrounding code-switching and Puerto Rican Spanish among Puerto Rican bilingual speakers in Massachusetts, focusing on how these ideologies interact with identity construction in the diaspora. Participants in this study commonly described their own language use as Spanglish, emphasizing both its practical role in everyday communication and its significance as a marker of cultural and linguistic identity. Drawing on data collected through sociolinguistic interviews and focus groups, this research explores how participants perceive code-switching not only as a communicative strategy but also as a meaningful expression of Puerto Rican identity. Although negative ideologies persist–framing code-switching as linguistic inadequacy–this study centers on how speakers actively negotiate and redefine these views within their communities. Puerto Rican Spanish, shaped by historical contact with English and sociopolitical ties to the U.S., offers a unique lens through which to explore these dynamics. The findings also suggest that media representations, particularly through music genres such as reggaetón, contribute to shaping and reflecting language ideologies. By centering on speakers’ voices, this paper contributes to understanding how language ideologies form and are shaped by bilingual practices, and how code-switching functions as a form of linguistic citizenship in the Puerto Rican diaspora.

In this article, we analyze the order verb-(clitic) subject that characterizes Rhaeto-Romance languages in V2 and interrogative contexts. In these varieties, the subject is necessarily realized by lexical or pronominal elements in preverbal position, except in inversion contexts. Some of these varieties have subject clitics (SCls) that display a distribution similar to that of full pronouns. Furthermore, in some, subject-verb inversion involves the enclisis of SCls on the verb. Enclitics are distributionally different from proclitics and are characterized by distinct paradigms, which show specialized properties somewhat comparable to inflections. We will study subject syntax in inversion contexts within the Phase framework, where enclitics will be viewed as the result of syntactic Merge and of amalgamation with the verb stem in INFL. A crucial topic is the relationship between functional morphemes and spelling domains.

This paper develops a mechanism of PF-deletion within a probe–goal system that incorporates C-to-T feature inheritance. I propose that the phase head C enters the derivation not only with an edge feature (EF) and agree (φ-)features but also with a delete-feature, which licenses the deletion of an element at PF (PF-deletion). When C-to-T feature inheritance applies, the target of PF-deletion is determined through φ-probing from T; when it does not, it is determined through EF-probing from C. By linking PF-deletion to phase-internal probing, this approach dispenses with pro, traditionally assumed to exist in the lexicon of null subject languages such as Italian, as a theoretical primitive. Crucially, it offers a unified account of the distribution of null arguments in both Italian (a pro-drop language) and German (a topic-drop language), two language types that have traditionally resisted unified analysis under the principles-and-parameters approach. In addition to the synchronic study of the distribution of null arguments, I further argue that diachronic evidence from old languages such as Old French and Old English lends additional support to the proposal, and conclude that whether C-to-T inheritance applies or not is a crucial factor in explaining crosslinguistic variation in null argument phenomena.

This paper, positioned within the study of immigrant language varieties in Canada, examines mismo si (‘even if’), an understudied grammatical feature of Spanish in contact with French in Montreal. The phenomenon is analyzed cross-linguistically and within the theoretical framework of Distributed Morphology, approaching it from two complementary perspectives: (1) a sociolinguistic analysis of Spanish-French bilinguals in Montreal, and (2) a formal investigation of its structural properties. Mismo si, equivalent to Standard Spanish aunque and incluso si (‘even though’), is a lexical transfer from the French conjunction même si and conveys a concessive meaning. The evidence shows that this structure constitutes a distinctive linguistic adaptation to the bilingual sociolinguistic environment of Montreal. The article is organized in two sections: the first presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of mismo si occurrences in the COLEM corpus (Corpus Oral de la Lengua Española en Montreal), while the second offers a formal examination of this contact-induced structure.

This paper investigates the nature of adjunct-inclusive interpretations in Japanese, which has long been debated in the literature. Previous studies have disagreed on whether these interpretations arise from V-stranding VP-ellipsis or adjunct ellipsis. This study argues that adjunct-inclusive interpretations fall into two distinct types: one semantically encoded and structurally represented, and another pragmatically inferred, depending on context beyond sentence structure. Using anaphoric expressions and negation as diagnostics, this study shows that adjunct-inclusive interpretations involving (i) omission of both adjunct and object in transitive sentences and (ii) adjunct omission in intransitive sentences are syntactically represented, supporting the existence of V-stranding VP-ellipsis. By contrast, adjunct-inclusive interpretations where only the adjunct is omitted and the object is contrastively focused are derived from pragmatic inference via free pragmatic enrichment, rather than from syntactic structure. These findings provide empirical and theoretical support for the view that Japanese does not allow syntactic adjunct ellipsis but does allow V-stranding VP-ellipsis. More broadly, this study contributes to the understanding of the syntax–pragmatics interface in ellipsis, showing that not all implicit interpretations reflect syntactic structure and highlighting the importance of carefully distinguishing between semantic and pragmatic sources in analyzing ellipsis phenomena.

In this article, I underscore the value of nuanced, speaker-focused approaches to dialect contact, which both complement and extend community-based perspectives. I pursue this goal through two main strategies. First, I use a mixed-methods approach that integrates diverse sources of contextualized conversational data alongside spontaneous metalinguistic commentary. This broadens the traditional reliance on one-on-one sociolinguistic interviews, in which the regional backgrounds of both interviewees and interviewers are often left uncontrolled. Second, I use an interpretative framework that accounts for individuals’ metalinguistic awareness and examines how this awareness influences their positioning within distinct membership categories. Such positioning is evident in language practices, ranging from accommodation to interlocutors’ speech patterns to the retention of regional variation patterns. The analysis centers on the speech of five individuals in a Spanish dialect contact setting in Anglo-America, using their linguistic behavior as a lens to address broader theoretical and methodological questions in the field.

The language use of Ukrainian war refugees has attracted the attention of researchers worldwide due to the unprecedented number of individuals displaced since the onset of the war in 2022. Earlier studies have documented a shift in language use and attitudes in Ukraine, marked by a diminished role for Russian and increased prominence of Ukrainian both within the country and among Ukrainian émigré communities abroad. However, the role of age in this process has not yet been thoroughly investigated. Moreover, research on the specific characteristics of language shift and social integration among Ukrainian refugees in Canada is still insufficient. This article reports the results of a study aimed at examining how home languages shift and the use of the official languages among Ukrainian refugees in Canada may vary by age. The vresearch employed a mixed-methods approach, based on a survey (65 participants). In this research, quantitative data were drawn from the closed-ended survey questions, and open-ended questions were employed to illustrate quantitative results for more depth and insight. The results indicate that there are no significant differences in L1 and L2 or L3 by age in this sample. The study confirms a language shift from Ukrainian-Russian bilingualism in Ukraine to Ukrainian dominance, which does not differ by age or age group. What does differ by age and generation is the proficiency in English, English use, and the perceived difficulty in learning English, whereby younger participants reported higher proficiency in English, its higher use in daily communication, and less difficulty acquiring it, as compared to their older peers. While the findings align with previous research on language use among immigrants—including the impact of age—they offer new insights into the experiences of refugees, highlighting how different age groups respond to social pressures in migration. A further contribution of this study lies in addressing the language shift from the perspectives of both younger and older refugees and establishing that the language shift in Ukraine swept across all ages.

Studies of children’s narratives have shown that selecting appropriate forms to reintroduce a referent compared to retaining a referent is challenging because it requires the integration of different accessibility features. Bilingual children are more explicit than their monolingual peers when it comes to referent selection, especially in the context of reintroduction in null-argument languages. Whether different accessibility features influence referent choice in the context of reintroduction in bilingual and monolingual children remains to be investigated. Japanese narratives were elicited from Japanese–English school-age early bilinguals (n = 13) and their monolingual peers (n = 8) using a wordless picture book and video clip, and the linguistic means of referent reintroduction were analyzed in terms of recency, ambiguity, and pragmatic predictability. The analysis revealed that in terms of recency, bilinguals used more noun phrases (NPs) than null forms when the referent was highly accessible, thus exhibiting overexplicitness, whereas in terms of ambiguity, bilinguals used more NPs for less accessible referents, while monolinguals were not as explicit. Both groups were sensitive to accessibility. We argue that bilinguals are selectively redundant, suggesting that the overproduction is not due to the load of processing two languages but is a manifestation of cross-linguistic influence modulated by accessibility features. The results emphasize the importance of considering discourse features in identifying overexplicitness.

Even though it has been previously suggested that Spanglish is not exclusive to the US, research on this sociolinguistic phenomenon has focused on the US Hispanophone context, thus providing a limited understanding of how the US compares to Belize and Gibraltar, two language contact situations where Spanglish is also attested. This paper fills this gap by bringing together insights from scholarship on these three contexts where Spanish has been in prolonged contact with English. To this end, this article highlights some of the key debates and discussions regarding Spanglish. It also introduces the reader to some similarities between the US, Belize and Gibraltar and posits that there are Spanglish phenomena, which necessarily entail the reevaluation of the role that structural hybridity plays in Spanglish. Lastly, through an overview of comparative analyses that have been conducted more recently, we illustrate the importance of this work in elucidating our knowledge of the remarkable patterns of uniformity and variability that characterize the dynamic nature of Spanglish varieties in different parts of the world today.