Ethnographic analysis is aimed to present the Parliament of Serbia as institutional, political, spatial and cultural ambience in which (un)written rules, rituals and regulations are designed to facilitate or inhibit bridging of the gender gap between female and male MPs. This paper explores the different microstrategies of women MPs of their initiation, accommodation, mitigation and challenging of established parliamentary gender binary hierarchical settings and in/ formal rules and norms. At all levels of the analysis, an interpretive dialogue was introduced to present the testimonies of women who served as MPs in the Serbian parliament with the aim to present the comparative genesis of their gender and political emancipation. Ethnographic analysis shows that the main focal points of the power of women MPs in parliamentary hierarchy settings are evaluated as inadequate in comparison to high level of their descriptive representation. Electoral engineering of increasing women quotas results, paradoxically, in greater exposure and vulnerability of women parliamentarians to various gender-related forms of verbal, psychological, sexual harassment and violence. The affirmative model of women?s empowerment is limited by strong gravitation field of loyalty to their political parties.

This article explicates and systematizes the theoretical assumptions behind various approaches to conceptualizing the phenomenon of ?therapy culture?. Beginning with the definition of therapy culture as a process of disseminating knowledge from disciplines such as psychology, psychiatry, and psychotherapy, and their integration into various institutions and cultural spheres, the article focuses on three theoretical currents in conceptualizing this phenomenon. We begin with the ?functionalist? current, which developed from the 1960s to the 1980s, and is based on the presuppositions of Durkheimian functionalism. We continue with the ?critical? current, which views therapy culture as a mechanism for maintaining social domination. Finaly, we will explicate the theoretical presuppositions of the ?actor-oriented? current which sees therapy culture as a system of meaning that guides social interactions. We conclude by pointing to the possibility of combining the aforementioned theoretical currents into a unified conceptual model that could systematize existing research on therapy culture in the post-Yugoslav context and serve a heuristic role in generating future research hypotheses.

Previous studies of ideological attitudes show gender differences in ideological self-positioning on the left-right scale, where it is concluded that women are more inclined to left-wing and progressive ideas? they more often identify themselves with the center-left compared to men. This phenomenon is called the modern gender gap. This paper examines whether this shift of women towards the center left, which was recorded in the countries of Western Europe, also exists in Serbia. The work uses the databases of public opinion research (1990-2024), owned by the Institute of Social Sciences, and international research conducted in Serbia. Examining the ideological positioning of men and women in Serbia over the past three decades can provide valuable insights into both the nature of the gender gap and the importance of self-centeredness in the post-socialist context. The results of the research in Serbia show that the predominant self-positioning of women in the position of the center left (only average values are considered) does not result primarily from their stronger connection with the left, but rather represents a combination of a lower tendency to position themselves on the right and a greater tendency towards the center. Additional analyses of gender differences showed that choosing the center on the scale left and right can be an expression of insecurity and the absence of clear attitudes, which opens up space for further examination of the motives of women to choose a centrist position on the scale.

This study explores public attitudes toward immigrants across European countries over the past decade. The analysis is based on data from three waves of the European Social Survey (ESS). Its theoretical framework draws on ethnic competition theory, which suggests that perceptions of economic and cultural competition shape attitudes toward immigrants. Building on these theoretical assumptions, as well as on previous research ? including earlier ESS findings ? it is expected that respondents generally maintain negative attitudes toward immigrants, particularly regarding their perceived impact on the economy and cultural life. Moreover, it is assumed that individuals tend to hold stronger anti-immigrant attitudes toward those from different ethnic backgrounds, and that these attitudes are shaped by a variety of contextual and individual factors. The research results indicate that anti-immigrant sentiments remain widespread across European countries, though their intensity varies according to both national economic development and individual respondent characteristics.

The paper theoretically defines far right, extreme right and radical right. Afterwards, it embedds thought and practice of Dragos Kalajic in the context of various ideological streamings within the European far right 1971- 2024. This half-century period can be roughly divided into three subperiods: 1) from the first Kalajic?s books till multi-party system formation 1971-1989; 2) from multy party-system formation till Kalajic?s death 1989-2005; 3) after Kalajic?s death. The first one was determined by Kalajic?s adoption of Giulio Evola?s and the New Right ideas. The second one was related to Wars of Yugoslav succession, formation of the ?Serbian New Right?, consisted of Kalajic?s closest extreme right followers, extreme right Serbian National Renewal and its paramilitary unit White Eagles, and Kalajic?s orientation towards Russia and Alexander Dugin?s ideas. The third one was marked by posthumous ideological Kalajic?s influence on Serbian academic authors of radical right orientation. Ideology-critical approach reveals reasons behind the fact that an Evola?s epigon was enabled to publish three books at reputable publishers in former Yugoslavia, and has been highly respected among extreme rightists since the end of socialist Yugoslavia. By the same token, the paper explains why Dragos Kalajic has recently become a role model and symbol for the mainstream intellectuals who converted to radical right ideas.

Despite its rare usage in the literature to date, rural citizenship has the potential to serve as a theoretical framework for understanding social behaviors and movements in rural communities. This study investigates the civic self-efficacy level of 531 adult participants living in rural Turkey. The results demonstrate that civic competence reflects the socioeconomic disadvantages of rural regions, including low-level income, gender, education, and undifferentiated economic activities and occupations. Participants had the lowest level of self-efficacy in political literacy (PL) compared to the other two dimensions: community engagement (CE), and demonstrations, protests, and the pursuit of rights (DPPR). Gender difference is the highest determinant of active citizenship self-efficacy, followed by education, time spent in the village, marital status, and monthly income. Findings suggest that interacting with the city appears to be enhancing rural residents? civic efficacy. These can provide evidence of rural regions exhibiting a unique pattern of citizenship. In the discussion section, we have interpreted the potential implications of the results.

The aim of this paper is to illuminate the key content and formal characteristics of student slogans that emerged during the protests in Serbia in the years 2024 and 2025. By analysing slogans as a form of symbolic and political communication, the authors concentrate on the central themes of these student expressions. This research is based on primary data collected from December 2024 to February 2025. The data collection involved photographing student banners at five universities, covering a total of 35 occupied faculties in Serbia. The findings indicate that student banners with slogans served as vital communication tools, encapsulating the symbolic elements of the student struggle during the protests. Most slogans were directed at the general public, primarily written in the Serbian language using Cyrillic script, and often employed a combination of visual and textual elements. Notable content characteristics of the slogans include a strong call to action (particularly evident through agency codes), professional identity, and a sense of criticality, often expressed with humour and creativity. The critical essence of these slogans was primarily directed at political leaders and the prevailing traits of the social system, with corruption standing out as a central concern.

This paper aims to examine changes in the characteristics of violent behaviour among young people and societal reactions to it as depicted in domestic cinematography over the past five decades, focusing particularly on the impact of the social circumstances of the 1990s. A qualitative content analysis of four domestic films and two TV series revealed significant differences in the portrayal of violence before and after the wars in the former SFR Yugoslavia. Works released after the 1990s portray violence as normalised and ubiquitous among youth from all social backgrounds, with society and institutions appearing incapable or uninterested in solving the problem. A difference in the context of violence was also noted: in works from the 1970s and 1980s, young people resort to violence in conflict situations and self-defence, whereas in later works violence is even used for entertainment. Based on social and institutional reactions, it can be concluded that pre-war works warn the public about the consequences of violent behaviour, while later works highlight its neglect and inadequate sanctions. These findings point to the influence of social changes and value inversions on the perception and representation of youth violence in Serbian cinematography. They also emphasise the need for a deeper understanding of this phenomenon and its implications for the young population.

The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the basic premises of the governmentality theory of risk, alongside key concepts in Foucault?s work on which it is based. According to this theory, the risk discourse represents a technology of power of neoliberal governmentality. Furthermore, the aim is to examine the functioning of the risk discourse in this context, using the example of epidemiological risks. It is hypothesized that the epidemiological risks can be understood as a means of neoliberal governmentality implemented within the new public health, as proponents of this theory suggest. This hypothesis is explored by reviewing the relevant literature on this topic in general and recent research on the COVID-19 pandemic and governmentality. The paper demonstrates that epidemiological risks represent manifestations of neoliberal governmentality carried out through discourse on risk.

When analyzing the factors that influence individuals' educational achievements, with a focus on the importance of their families, cultural and economic capital are frequently highlighted. Although they are unquestionably important, one additional aspect should not be overlooked: social capital. Individuals' educational chances are influenced by their families' connections with the community as well as their familial bonds. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate how a family's social capital can be a source of inequality in education. The paper presents and analyzes three theoretical approaches to social capital (Bourdieu's, Coleman's, and Patnam's), indicates how to approach the research of inequality in education from these perspectives, and points out which approaches are appropriate for the application of social capital from the perspective of families. Finally, the lines of (dis)continuity between these theories are highlighted, and the possibility of developing an integral approach to social capital in the educational context is examined by analyzing some attempts at such a synthesis.