禽鳥之微，不可通於政治乎──鷹與滿洲政治文化

This article presents a study of a unique kind of commemorative stele erected by Qing emperors in the Imperial Academy—the symbol of Confucian culture and civilian education—and also replicated in schools across China. Before the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), Chinese rulers did not install military monuments at the academy. In this article, I argue that the Qing emperors erected war monuments in the Imperial Academy to justify and commemorate their wars of conquest. As the emperors required the stelae to be replicated at some of the local schools across China, they became widely accessible to the public. However, the Qing emperors, particularly the Qianlong emperor, were concerned that the stelae could become symbols of abusive warfare, thereby undermining their claims to rule in accordance with Confucian ideals. For this reason, they carefully selected the campaigns to commemorate and ensured that inscriptions on the stelae explained that they had no choice but to embark on war in these instances.

This article focuses on the production of illustrations of ”Official Tribute” to explore the relationship between imagery and rule at the Qianlong court. An examination of the various editions of ”Official Tribute” from the Qianlong period reveals the integrative powers of the Grand Council, the center of political power at the time. It mobilized an entire bureaucratic network to produce images numbering in the thousands. These pictorial achievements were used as diplomatic gifts for emissaries to the court. This study also arranges and compares later additions to the original images, highlighting their compositional principles and order. The first scroll discussed here, therefore, is a composite representing the notion ofthe imperial capital, indicating that ”Official Tribute” is also an imperial image arranged sequentially by geography from the political center of the country outwards to its borders. By giving away these images to members of the ”empire,” the Qianlong Emperor not only endowed emissaries to the court with a collective consciousness of the Qing Empire, he also defined the individual status of each member within the empire. Furthermore, the presentation of this imperial order, in terms of both content and format, reveals many innovations. For example, the pairing of a man and woman to represent a particular place or country, a method that originated in Europe, and a much greater emphasis on ”Western” proportion in representing the image of the imperial capital in the first scroll. Other documentary evidence confirms that modern concepts of the ”West” became integral parts of Qianlong's image building and imperial construct.

Reviewed by: The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions Jane Kate Leonard (bio) Evelyn S. Rawski . The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1998. xii, 481 pp. Hardcover $45.00, ISBN 0-520-21289-4. Evelyn Rawski's The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions is a remarkable work of historical synthesis and descriptive analysis of the intimate social world of the Qing dynasty's ruling elite. Her purpose is to capture the aims and intentions of the Qing emperors from the Manchu imperial perspective, which she extrapolates from the material culture of the Qing court, the social hierarchy of the inner power structure, and the state rituals and the personal religious practices of the court. Her thesis argues that the unique material culture, social hierarchy, and rituals of kingship demonstrate that the Qing monarchs were multi-ethnic in their approach to kingship and practical governance. She further argues that their success was due not to "sinicization" but to their multiethnic perspective, which enabled them to craft regionally specific approaches to their diverse constituencies of Mongols, northeastern peoples, Tibetans, and Han Chinese. Thus, in a sense, she proposes that the Manchu imperial worldview and ritual style, which incorporated the rituals and value systems of these constituencies, were the sources of their success. The study is arranged in three parts that detail the material culture of the Qing court, the social hierarchy of the inner power structure of the imperial elite, and the multicultural rituals of kingship and personal religious practices of the imperial family. The first part starts with a careful description of the character and use of imperial space, and includes a discussion of the three capitals (Beijing, Shengjing, and Chengde, with excellent maps), the imperial hunting grounds, seasonal tours, and the Inner City. This section is concluded with descriptive detail on language, clothing, court robes, food, martial arts, and art. The author's intention in this section is to show the unique attributes of the imperial public and private space and the Qing emperors' purposeful efforts to maintain a separate Manchu identity, but one which embodied a universalist approach to king-ship. The implications of this universalist approach are that the Manchu dynasts were oriented equally to the Han heartland and the strategic Mongol-Tibetan axis. The third part of the book is similar in intention to the first. It centers on the Manchu approach to the performance of state rituals and the syncretic nature of the ruling family's personal religious practices. Both are intended to show that the Manchu rulers were purposefully "Manchu" in their construction and practice of the legitimizing rituals of kingship and of personal religion. These rituals, the author emphasizes, incorporated the symbols and belief systems of all the peoples in the Qing empire, including those in the Inner Asian borderlands and the Han heartland. [End Page 201] For the Qing specialist, these parts of the study are extremely useful and enlightening because they provide a glimpse into the daily lives of the Qing emperors in their public and private activities. Rawski evokes the texture of their daily personal and work lives, and we see them as multidimensional people. These insights essentially reaffirm what we have long understood about the Qing emperors and their exercise of imperial power. They were skilled institution builders who fused the China heartland and the Inner Asian borderlands into one empire of greater China. They were tireless and creative administrators in governing both the Han and non-Han regions. Moreover, they achieved a level of concerned, or conscientious, governance over the course of the dynasty that was probably unmatched in earlier dynasties. These emperors were tough-minded administrators, and they maintained vigilant scrutiny of vital areas of administration that they considered strategically important to the perpetuation of their rule. Rawski's depiction of the setting in which they worked, their differing personal styles, and their manipulation of ritual symbols to legitimize their rule deepens and reaffirms our understanding of precisely those very governing qualities. For example, her account of the three capitals, the hunts, and the use of the inner...

Abstract: This essay does a study on the Plain Aboriginal women on their appearance, the ways of production, and the transition on two sexes. The study depicts the roles and images of the Plain Aboriginal women in different periods through the long observation. It also discusses the attitude and strategies that the Pain Aboriginal women take when they face the exotic culture. Furthermore, it shows the result and the influences that the exotic culture causes on the Plain Aboriginal women and between different Plain Aboriginal tribes. The traditional clothing, production, and wedding of the different Plain Aboriginal tribes presented their lively images and life styles. In the early seventeenth century, Hollanders ruled Taiwan by its religion and colonization, so they tried to reform the naked and abortion of the Plain Aboriginal women and encouraged its people to marry the Plain Aboriginal women. In the late seventeenth century, the Ching Dynasty started managing Taiwan, the Hans brought some changes on the traditional culture of the Plain Aboriginals by its strong population, politics, economy, and culture. Under the interaction with the Hans, the Plain Aboriginal culture gradually showed its changes, that were women began to wear cloth instead of hemp skirt and they had the wedding parade. The eighteenth century is the crucial times that the Plain Aboriginal women replaced the short blouses with long ones and even started to bind their feet and wore the Han shoes. The naked custom of the Plain Aboriginal women didn’t exist anymore and their behavior became conservative. Besides, the Plain Aboriginal men started to join the production and this changed the traditional working roles of male and female. On wedding, this period appeared the engagement and most the Plain Aboriginal women married the Hans. Until the nineteenth century, only Ilan still preserved part of its traditional customs for its late exploitation. Although the images of the Plain Aboriginal women changed from its openness to conservation, and the women accepted the Han culture because of the practical needs instead of unwillingness. To the Plain Aboriginal women, the exotic culture offered them another choice and they kept the high autonomy. The alternations and changes that the Plain Aboriginal women did influenced their tribes in different times. And we can see they played very important roles through this aspect. Besides, as they made any change, they also changed their own culture and made it disappear little by little through the long time.

There was a long debate on the question of the study of the Book of Songs. In that debate, there were two main theses. One of them was to revere the study in the Han Dynasty and to follow the point of Mao Heng and Cheng Hsuan then affirming the value of the foreword of the Book of Songs; other one was to revere the study in Sung Dynasty and to follow the point of Chu Hsi then refute the value of the foreword of the Book of Songs. Ku Tungkao was deeply worried about this situation. He comprehend all the theses then write Mao shih ting ku and Mao shih lei shih to the use of correcting the misunderstanding and inducting. These two books plated a carrying on and inspiring role in the study of Book of songs in the early Ching Dynasty. This paper was focused on the analysis of Ku’s study of the Book of Songs to investigate its characteristics, value and influence. There are six chapters in this paper. The first chapter is the introduction to expound the intention to research, the method of research and the commentary on the resent research. The second chapter is the investigation into two points. One is the growing of the study of the Book of songs; other one is the formation of the fashion of textual study. The study of the Book of songs was diversified by these two points. Then, the most important influence of the textual research of the Book of songs was caused by its scholium. This chapter is also the investigation into the importance of the study of things and systems in the early Ching Dynasty for it caused a deep influence of the academic approach in Ching Dynasty. The third chapter is about Ku’s brief biographical sketch, study, literary works, friends and teachers so that we can know more about him and his academic research. In this chapter, the second paragraph is about these two books, Mao shih ting ku and Mao shih lei shih. Through the versions and general form of these two books, I describe Ku’s intension to write; through the analysis of these two books, I understood Ku’s writing method. The forth chapter is about Ku’s explanation method to the Book of songs. It’s about how he quoted many words of others, checked everywhere to find the main point of the Book of songs. In this chapter, I investigated Ku’s point of view about the study of Book of songs in Mao shih ting ku. The fifth chapter is the investigation of Ku’s stubby of things and systems in Mao shih lei shih. He quoted many people’s words to find the true meaning of the Book of songs. His investigation was well-knit and with original discovery. The last chapter is the conclusion. This chapter is about Ku’s research result, academic achievement in the study of the Book of songs and contribution.

Hui Tong, the master of Pu Xue (a study focuses on exploring explanatory notes in ancient books) during Yongzheng and Qianlong Reign in Ching Dynasty, was famous in the academia with many publications. Hui Tong felt regretted that the articles of Shang Shu Da Chuan written by Fu Sheng were gradually disappearing and started to devote himself to compiling and emending the remains of this book. It took Hui Tong a lot of time and efforts to compile and emend the articles of Shang Shu Da Chuan but he made great achievements. However, after Hui Tong finished compiling these articles into a book, he failed to make the book be published and all his efforts were not known or appreciated by the world. At present, a manuscript of ”Shang Shu Da Chang” in Hui Tong's ”Hong Dou Chai” is collected in the Rare Book Collection of National Center Library. Although the author has written several articles to praise Hui Tong for his great works, the mistakes he had made in his Hong Dou Chai must be disclosed for the sake of pursuing the integrity of knowledge. This study divided the mistakes of Hui Tong into three parts: ”the mistakes of collection,” ”the mistakes of citation,” and ”the mistakes of letters.” And the mistakes of each part were explained by one or two examples. It is hoped that not only the outstanding work of Hong Dou Chai but also the shortcomings of it can be realized by the world through this study.

The aim of this study is mainly to deal with the impact of human farming activities on the environmental changes especially the soil erosion in the upper reaches of the Fenhe River in recent 600 years.Through field investigation and the analysis of the long-term data of hydrology and landscape,the authors used the historical documentation method to make a quantitative analysis and estimate farming population,farmland and soil erosion development process of the study area. The study indicates that: (1)In recent 600 years,the population of the area increased by 716%,while the farmland merely 432%.So the farmland per capita available decreased by 34.8%.At the same time,per mu(15mu=1ha) average corn yield mu was only about 50kg lower than that in the middle reaches of the Yellow River in the Han Dynasty.The trend of reclamation still exited. (2)Through the analysis of the result of land measurement of Yangqu county in later Qing Dynasty,we thought the data of farmland area were far less from the actual amount,which was possiblely less than the half. (3)From the Qianlong to the Guangxu years of the Qing Dynasty,soil erosion amount increased because of slope farming,which was only 2%~3% of the total eroded amount and cannot play the dominant role. (4)From the Guangxu years of the Qing Dynasty to modern times,much scarp and steep slope land was reclaimed in the Fenhe river basin which led to the soil erosion increased to 30% of the total amount.But the amount of the gully erosion induced by natural force was also 70%.So the farming activity was merely the second factor for the soil erosion.

Star field affiliation is an important part of ancient Chinese gazetteers. The gazetteers of Taiwan in the Qing Dynasty presented many ‘different opinions’ about the star field affiliation of Taiwan. These different opinions illustrate the difficulty of self-consistency in traditional Chinese star field affiliation theory and reflect the influence of the concept of grand unification on traditional Chinese geographical knowledge. During the Qianlong period, with the introduction of Western surveying and mapping knowledge, the sundial began to replace star field affiliation and became a new geographical positioning theory. Taiwan, whose geographical positioning also completed the transformation from the star field affiliation to sundial theory at the end of the Qing Dynasty, witnessed the replacement of traditional Chinese place knowledge with cosmopolitan knowledge. Looking back at the writings regarding the star field affiliation in Taiwan gazetteers in the Qing Dynasty, there was both debate and consensus.

Shen Deqian(沈德潛)(1673-1769) experienced three emperors in his life time: Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlong of Qing dynasty. As a representative of literary style Parnassus in the Qing Dynasty, he was active at that time. Well versed in the origins, changes, rise and fall of poetry in different periods, he edited ”Tang Shi Bie Cai Ji” and other collections of poetry producing profound influence now and then. ”Tang Shi Bie Cai ji” is composed of two editions: the original edition containing 10 volumes edited when he was 43 years old; the revised edition containing 20 volumes revised when he was 90 years old. A comparison of the two shows that the original edition includes an extensive range of the poems collected and the comments on them in the two editions are widely different, particularly concerning Bai Juyi (白居易) and other poets. Then, how about the detailed content of the revised edition? Can we find any changes of Shen Deqian's poetics? Moreover, what is the reason behind his motive at the age of 90 to revise the original edition after nearly five decades of its publication? The aim of this paper is to explore these questions.

Between 1751 and 1784, the Qianlong emperor embarked upon six southern tours, travelling from Beijing to Jiangnan and back. These tours were exercises in political theatre that took the Manchu emperor through one of the Qing empire's most prosperous regions. This study elucidates the tensions and the constant negotiations characterising the relationship between the imperial centre and Jiangnan, which straddled the two key provinces of Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Politically, economically and culturally, Jiangnan was the undisputed centre of the Han Chinese world; it also remained a bastion of Ming loyalism and anti-Manchu sentiment. How did the Qing court constitute its authority and legitimate its domination over this pivotal region? What were the precise terms and historical dynamics of Qing rule over China proper during the long 18th Century? In the course of addressing such questions, this study also explores the political culture within and through which High Qing rule was constituted and contested by a range of actors, all of whom operated within socially and historically structured contexts. The author argues that the southern tours occupied a central place in the historical formation of Qing rule during a period of momentous change affecting all strata of the 18th-Century polity.

Joanna Waley-Cohen The Culture of War in China: Empire and the Military under the Qing Dynasty

The Qing Myanmar campaign (1765-1770) was the most disastrous frontier war that the Qing dynasty had ever waged. In the beginning, the Qianlong emperor (r. 1735-1795) of the Qing dynasty had envisaged winning this war in one easy stroke, as he deemed Myanmar no more than a remote barbarian tribe without any power. But he was wrong. After the Green Standard troops in Yunnan failed to bring the Myanmar to their knees, Qianlong sent his elite Manchu troops in. A regional conflict was thus escalated into a major frontier war that involved military maneuvers nationwide. At the front, the Manchu Bannermen had to deal with the unfamiliar tropical jungles and swamps, and above all, the lethal endemic diseases. Not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. After a gruelling four-year campaign, a truce was reached by the field commanders of the two sides at the end of 1769 with the Qing invading expedition failing to conquer Myanmar and withdrawing in disarray. To rehabilitate itself, the Qing dynasty kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades.

The history of early Christian architecture has been presented as a gradual, typological transformation from undifferentiated residential buildings in the first two centuries, to modified residential buildings in the third, culminating in the monumental Constantinian structures of the fourth century. To rationalize this transformation, a great deal of scholarship has focused on identifying formal, cultural, and programmatic characteristics that might link the domus to the basilica. However, along held view is that the basilica, along with all monumental church architecture, is a Roman deviation in the evolution of Christianity. To support this argument, proponents read NT passages like the body/temple metaphor of 1 Cor. 3.16-17 and John 2.19-22 as indicative of a Christian rejection of Roman and Jewish material culture. These contrary aspects of early Christianity, the construction of monumental churches and the tacit rebuke of Roman architecture in Christian texts, have been characterized by Paul Corby Finney as iconic and aniconic. In an effort to better understand early Christian architecture, recent studies employ models from cultural theory and sociology to reveal the broader context of church building, demonstrating similar patterns of architectural development among other cultural groups living within the Empire. Richard Krautheimer and L. Michael White are foremost in this field and they have provided a solid foundation for re-evaluating the evidence. While these seminal archaeological and architectural studies have provided us with a chronology of formal and programmatic developments for the beginnings of Christian architecture, they have done little to help us understand how early Christians came to reconcile the conflicting ontological demands of being the temple in Christ (NT) with building the temple for Christ (Constantine). In this dissertation, I argue that a reconciliation between NT body/temple metaphor and Imperial Architecture, between the aniconic and iconic characteristics of Christianity, is achieved, in part, through a shift in the tenor of the metaphor that occurs through the second, third, and fourth centuries. The trajectory of this shift is traced from sources in the Gospels and Epistles through the Epistle of Barnabas, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen to the panegyric written by Eusebius for the commemoration of Paulinus' church at Tyre in 317. I conclude that the metaphorical vehicle of the body/temple, first used rhetorically to unify and segregate the Christian community, has a hermeneutic function that reveals an architectural model in Christ Logos.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 明清易代之際，結社逃禪之風日漸濃厚，結社行爲在晚明的去政治化、去功利化特徵，是心學、佛學衝擊傳統儒家思想的結果。復社是明代科舉制度影響下的文社，但一些復社成員卻同時結有禪社，可見儒學和佛學兩股風潮在當時並非完全對立或此消彼長的關係，而是借助文學活動展開各自的影響路徑。陸世儀、陳瑚等人在崇禎初年拒不入復社，代表了當時不同的聲音。儘管復社參與政治鬥争，由明入清的文人學者仍肯定了復社對文章創作的積極作用，試圖重申儒家思想以推動清初社事回歸訂文字交的正常軌道。基於盟社觀、文學觀，清代文人也對社事與國家興亡之關係發表看法。復社的衰落、明朝的滅亡都引起了詩人們對生命價值和歷史政治的再思考，也涉及朋友相交的基礎、結社訂盟的形式、文章創作的宗旨等問題。乾隆以後文人的盟社觀，受到清朝嚴控文網的影響。 In the transition of the Ming and Qing dynasties, there was a thriving trend for poets to join societies and worship Buddhism. The depoliticization and getting rid of utilitarianism of the societies in late Ming times were the result of the impact of the philosophy of Wang Yangming (1472 1529) and Buddhism on traditional Confucianism. The Fu Society was formed under the influence of the imperial examination system in the Ming Dynasty for creative writing, but some members of the Fu Society also joined Buddhist Societies. It can be seen that Confucianism and Buddhism were not completely opposed in the late Ming, but exerted their influence with the help of literary activities. Lu Shiyi (1611 1672), Chen Hu (1613 1675), and others refused to join the Fu Society during the early Chongzhen era (1627 1644), representing the different voices at that time. Although the Fu Society participated in political struggles, writers and scholars from the Ming Dynasty still recognized its positive role in literary creation, and its efforts to reiterate the importance of Confucianism to promote the society by leading it back to concentrate on writing in the early Qing Dynasty. Based on the society’s view of literature, the Qing-dynasty literati also talked about the relationship between society and the rise and fall of the empire. The decline of the Fu Society and the collapse of the Ming Dynasty caused poets to rethink the value of life, history, and politics. It also involved the basis of friendship, the form of association, and the purpose of writing. After the Qianlong era (1736 1796), the writers’ view of alliance and community was influenced by the Qing Dynasty’s strict control of literary networks.

Black's Theory on the Behavior of Law Revisited IV: the Behavior of Qing Law