國家圖書館所藏惠棟輯本《尚書大傳》訛誤舉例

This article focuses on the production of illustrations of ”Official Tribute” to explore the relationship between imagery and rule at the Qianlong court. An examination of the various editions of ”Official Tribute” from the Qianlong period reveals the integrative powers of the Grand Council, the center of political power at the time. It mobilized an entire bureaucratic network to produce images numbering in the thousands. These pictorial achievements were used as diplomatic gifts for emissaries to the court. This study also arranges and compares later additions to the original images, highlighting their compositional principles and order. The first scroll discussed here, therefore, is a composite representing the notion ofthe imperial capital, indicating that ”Official Tribute” is also an imperial image arranged sequentially by geography from the political center of the country outwards to its borders. By giving away these images to members of the ”empire,” the Qianlong Emperor not only endowed emissaries to the court with a collective consciousness of the Qing Empire, he also defined the individual status of each member within the empire. Furthermore, the presentation of this imperial order, in terms of both content and format, reveals many innovations. For example, the pairing of a man and woman to represent a particular place or country, a method that originated in Europe, and a much greater emphasis on ”Western” proportion in representing the image of the imperial capital in the first scroll. Other documentary evidence confirms that modern concepts of the ”West” became integral parts of Qianlong's image building and imperial construct.

用鷹比喻政治之事，是常見於清前期統治者的作法。因為在屬於漁獵文化的女真社會中，鷹既是具體行獵所用之物，也是抽象的文化符碼。牠快速、勇猛、忠心的特質，被滿洲統治者視為八旗子弟應具有的美德。過去的研究者多將焦點放在鷹與北亞薩滿信仰的連繫上，卻從未注意到，在滿洲鷹文化的影響下，統治者不斷利用鷹這個文化符碼，推行政治上有利的措施。本論文從政治文化的角度切入，分析滿洲統治者的政治思維模式和行動風格，輔以文化交流理論，以及過往學者對於內亞地區的研究成果，討論滿洲人如何在政體轉變、國家機制擴大的同時，汲取自身文化傳統中的資源，以鷹這個跨滿、蒙、漢、回文化的符碼，強化民族認同，並面對帝國中不同文化的子民，乃至於帝國周邊有著相似文化傳統的民族。 本論文的主要架構有三，首先介紹滿洲鷹文化在入關前的形塑過程、入關後維持的狀況，以及當官方進行帝國整體知識建構時，透過此一知識化過程所建立起的滿洲鷹類系譜。其次，從鷹的迅捷、勇猛形象出發，討論清朝統治者如何利用滿洲文化中鷹的正面形象，做為要求八旗將士和官員的標準，同時突出鷹的軍事特質，將其納入大閱等國家軍禮的儀式，及舉行場所之中。最後，以鷹的社會性意涵為切入點，考察清帝國內部臣工進鷹的情形，將其視為清代皇帝建立「君臣一體」關係中的重要環節，並針對滿洲與蒙古、回部等周邊民族首領互相贈送鷹隻的情形加以討論，論析雙方送鷹的共同傳統文化基礎，檢視清帝國與內亞地區互動的權力關係，並藉此探討帝國的往來模式。同時從滿洲人面對的時代課題，來思考大清做為一個多民族帝國的特色。

”Continued Volumes of Yuan Xiang qijiushiji” (163 volumes), ”Supplements to Yuan Xiang qijiuji” (21 volumes), and ”Supplements to Yuan Xiang qijiuji qianbian” (3 volumes) are currently housed in the East Asian Library of the University of Chicago. These three manuscripts are the continuation of and supplements to the two well-known books: Yuan Xiang qijiuji, compiled by Qing scholar Deng Xianhe (1771-1851) and ”Yuan Xiang qijiuji qianbian”, by his son, Deng Cong. Even though these manuscripts have been analyzed by critics such as Qi Yongxiang, Hung Cheng and Zhou Yuan, questions still remain. Based on those previous scholarly explorations, this article thus aims at providing further discussion and examination of these texts and other related materials. In addition to ”Introduction” and ”Conclusion,” it includes four other sections: 1) Introduction to ”Continuing Volumes of Yuan Xiang qijiushiji” and the other two manuscripts; 2) Discussion of related materials mentioned in Fu Xiongxiang's Dunan coulu; 3) Discussion of related materials mentioned in Lun Ming's ”Xinhai yilai cangshu jishishi”; and 4) Analysis of how these three manuscripts were passed down from Zhou Xianyi to Li Zongtong. Through these discussions, one may come to know the connections, similarities and differences between Fu ”Xiongxiang's Dunan coulu” and Lun Ming's ”Xinhai yilai cangshu jishishi”. Moreover, the discussions also confirm the roles of Qing scholars like Lo Juhuai and Wu Minshu in the editing and compilation of ”Continuing Volumes of Yuan Xiang qijiushiji” and the other two manuscripts. This paper, I believe, may help readers acquire an in-depth understanding of these three manuscripts.

There was a long debate on the question of the study of the Book of Songs. In that debate, there were two main theses. One of them was to revere the study in the Han Dynasty and to follow the point of Mao Heng and Cheng Hsuan then affirming the value of the foreword of the Book of Songs; other one was to revere the study in Sung Dynasty and to follow the point of Chu Hsi then refute the value of the foreword of the Book of Songs. Ku Tungkao was deeply worried about this situation. He comprehend all the theses then write Mao shih ting ku and Mao shih lei shih to the use of correcting the misunderstanding and inducting. These two books plated a carrying on and inspiring role in the study of Book of songs in the early Ching Dynasty. This paper was focused on the analysis of Ku’s study of the Book of Songs to investigate its characteristics, value and influence. There are six chapters in this paper. The first chapter is the introduction to expound the intention to research, the method of research and the commentary on the resent research. The second chapter is the investigation into two points. One is the growing of the study of the Book of songs; other one is the formation of the fashion of textual study. The study of the Book of songs was diversified by these two points. Then, the most important influence of the textual research of the Book of songs was caused by its scholium. This chapter is also the investigation into the importance of the study of things and systems in the early Ching Dynasty for it caused a deep influence of the academic approach in Ching Dynasty. The third chapter is about Ku’s brief biographical sketch, study, literary works, friends and teachers so that we can know more about him and his academic research. In this chapter, the second paragraph is about these two books, Mao shih ting ku and Mao shih lei shih. Through the versions and general form of these two books, I describe Ku’s intension to write; through the analysis of these two books, I understood Ku’s writing method. The forth chapter is about Ku’s explanation method to the Book of songs. It’s about how he quoted many words of others, checked everywhere to find the main point of the Book of songs. In this chapter, I investigated Ku’s point of view about the study of Book of songs in Mao shih ting ku. The fifth chapter is the investigation of Ku’s stubby of things and systems in Mao shih lei shih. He quoted many people’s words to find the true meaning of the Book of songs. His investigation was well-knit and with original discovery. The last chapter is the conclusion. This chapter is about Ku’s research result, academic achievement in the study of the Book of songs and contribution.

The aim of this study is mainly to deal with the impact of human farming activities on the environmental changes especially the soil erosion in the upper reaches of the Fenhe River in recent 600 years.Through field investigation and the analysis of the long-term data of hydrology and landscape,the authors used the historical documentation method to make a quantitative analysis and estimate farming population,farmland and soil erosion development process of the study area. The study indicates that: (1)In recent 600 years,the population of the area increased by 716%,while the farmland merely 432%.So the farmland per capita available decreased by 34.8%.At the same time,per mu(15mu=1ha) average corn yield mu was only about 50kg lower than that in the middle reaches of the Yellow River in the Han Dynasty.The trend of reclamation still exited. (2)Through the analysis of the result of land measurement of Yangqu county in later Qing Dynasty,we thought the data of farmland area were far less from the actual amount,which was possiblely less than the half. (3)From the Qianlong to the Guangxu years of the Qing Dynasty,soil erosion amount increased because of slope farming,which was only 2%~3% of the total eroded amount and cannot play the dominant role. (4)From the Guangxu years of the Qing Dynasty to modern times,much scarp and steep slope land was reclaimed in the Fenhe river basin which led to the soil erosion increased to 30% of the total amount.But the amount of the gully erosion induced by natural force was also 70%.So the farming activity was merely the second factor for the soil erosion.

Star field affiliation is an important part of ancient Chinese gazetteers. The gazetteers of Taiwan in the Qing Dynasty presented many ‘different opinions’ about the star field affiliation of Taiwan. These different opinions illustrate the difficulty of self-consistency in traditional Chinese star field affiliation theory and reflect the influence of the concept of grand unification on traditional Chinese geographical knowledge. During the Qianlong period, with the introduction of Western surveying and mapping knowledge, the sundial began to replace star field affiliation and became a new geographical positioning theory. Taiwan, whose geographical positioning also completed the transformation from the star field affiliation to sundial theory at the end of the Qing Dynasty, witnessed the replacement of traditional Chinese place knowledge with cosmopolitan knowledge. Looking back at the writings regarding the star field affiliation in Taiwan gazetteers in the Qing Dynasty, there was both debate and consensus.

Shen Deqian(沈德潛)(1673-1769) experienced three emperors in his life time: Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlong of Qing dynasty. As a representative of literary style Parnassus in the Qing Dynasty, he was active at that time. Well versed in the origins, changes, rise and fall of poetry in different periods, he edited ”Tang Shi Bie Cai Ji” and other collections of poetry producing profound influence now and then. ”Tang Shi Bie Cai ji” is composed of two editions: the original edition containing 10 volumes edited when he was 43 years old; the revised edition containing 20 volumes revised when he was 90 years old. A comparison of the two shows that the original edition includes an extensive range of the poems collected and the comments on them in the two editions are widely different, particularly concerning Bai Juyi (白居易) and other poets. Then, how about the detailed content of the revised edition? Can we find any changes of Shen Deqian's poetics? Moreover, what is the reason behind his motive at the age of 90 to revise the original edition after nearly five decades of its publication? The aim of this paper is to explore these questions.

김정희가 살았던 19세기의 청나라는 고증학이 전성기에 처해 있던 시점이었다. 김정희는 청나라를 방문하고 당시 유명한 학자였던 옹방강(翁方綱), 완원(阮元)과 사승관계를 맺었고, 청대의 학술성과를 적극적으로 수용하였다. <실사구시설(實事求是說)>은 김정희의 학문적 경향을 보여주는 중요한 작품으로, 지금까지 많은 연구가 이루어졌으나 청대 학술과의 영향 관계가 제대로 구명되지 않았다는 아쉬움이 있다. 특히 김정희의 경학 연구를 직접적으로 지도한 옹방강이 청대 고증학에서 어느 정도 지점에 있었던 사람인지, 김정희의 학문이 당시의 조선 학문 및 청나라의 학문과 어떤 면에서 계승관계 혹은 영향관계에 놓여 있는지에 대해서는 선행연구에서 아직 깊이 있게 논의되지는 않은 것으로 생각된다. 본고에서는 이런 문제의식을 가지고 김정희의 고증학 경향을 보여주는 글로 평가되는 <실사구시설>을 중심으로 고증학에 대한 김정희의 관점을 옹방강과의 비교 및 청대 학술과의 관련성 속에서 살펴보았다. 옹방강은 청대 고증학이 전성기에 처한 시기에 생활하였던 사람으로, 고증학의 영향을 깊이 받기는 하였지만 청대 학술에서 그의 위치는 고증학 학자가 아니라 이학자이며, 고증학을 의리지학을 밝히기 위한 수단으로 보는 입장에서 고증학의 대표적인 학자들을 비판하고 배격하는 모습을 보였다. 김정희는 고증학의 연구 성과를 적극적으로 수용하려는 태도를 보였지만, 훈고와 의리에 대한 그의 태도는 기본적으로 옹방강과 다르지 않다. 그의 <실사구시설>은 훈고를 중시하되 그것은 의리를 밝히기 위한 방편에 불과하다는 입장을 드러낸 글이다. 또한 사승과 가학을 강조하면서 경전과 한대 학자인 정현(鄭玄)의 주석의 정통적 지위를 수호하려는 태도는 진정한 실사구시적 태도라고 보기 어려우며, 고증학보다는 성리학에 치우치는 경향을 보여준다.The Qing Dynasty of the 19th century, where Kim, Jeong-hee, lived, was at the height of textual criticism. Kim, Jeong-hee, visited the Qing Dynasty and established a private relationship with Weng, Fang-gang(翁方綱) and Ruan, Yuan(阮元), who were famous scholars at the time, and actively accepted the academic achievements of the Qing Dynasty. Silsagusisheol(實事求是說) is an important work that shows Kim, Jeong-hee’s academic tendency, and many studies have been conducted so far, but it is regrettable that the influence relationship with Qing Dynasty scholarship has not been properly investigated. In particular, it is thought that previous studies have not yet discussed in depth how Weng, fang-gang, who directly guided Kim Jeong-hee’s study, was a person in Qing Dynasty textual criticism, and in what ways Kim Jeong-hee’s studies lie in succession or influence with Joseon studies and Qing studies at the time. With this awareness of the problem, this paper examined Kim, Jeong-hee’s perspective on historical studies in comparison with Weng, Fang-gang and its relevance to Qingdai Studies, focusing on the Silsagusisheol, which is evaluated as an article that shows Kim, Jeong-hee’s tendency to historical studies. Weng, Fang-gang was a person who lived in the heyday of Qing Dynasty textual criticism, and although he was deeply influenced by it, his position in Qing Dynasty academia was not a historical scholar, but a Neo-Confucianism scholar, and he criticized and rejected representative scholars of textual criticism. Kim, Jeong-hee, showed an attitude to actively accept the research results of textual criticism, but his attitude toward explanations of words in ancient books and loyalty is basically no different from Weng, Fang-gang. His Silsagusisheol is an article that emphasizes explanations of words in ancient books, but reveals that it is only a way to express loyalty. In addition, it is difficult to say that the attitude of presiding over the orthodox status of Confucian classics and oriental scholar Zheng, Xuan(鄭玄) while emphasizing Neo-Confucianism is a true practical attitude, and it tends to be biased toward Neo-Confucianism rather than textual criticism.

In molecular programming, the Chemical Reaction Network model is often used to describe systems of interacting molecules. This model can describe either real systems, allowing us to analyze and determine their computational function; or describe hypothetical systems, with known computational function but perhaps no known physical example. One significant breakthrough in the field is that any Chemical Reaction Network can be approximated by a system using DNA Strand Displacement mechanisms. This allows the Chemical Reaction Network model to be treated like a programming language, where programs can be written in the abstract and then compiled into physical molecules. Given a programming language and a proof-of-concept compiler, one would want to take the compiler from the proof-of-concept stage into a more reliable, more systematic, and better understood process. This thesis is made up of my contributions to that effort. First, given a programming language and a compiler, it would be useful to formally verify that the compiler is correct. My collaborators, Qing Dong and Erik Winfree, and I defined a Chemical Reaction Network-specific form of bisimulation equivalence, which can compare two such networks and verify that one is (or is not) a correct implementation of the other. For example, the compiler-produced DNA circuit can be verified as an implementation of its abstract program, although this is not the only possible use. After defining this concept of equivalence, we show that it can be checked by algorithm; although various parts of the problem are NP-complete or PSPACE-complete, we give algorithms that meet these lower bounds. We also prove a number of interesting properties of Chemical Reaction Network bisimulation equivalence, including transitivity and modularity properties which are particularly useful for stepwise checking of large systems. We further extend this bisimulation method to linear Polymer Reaction Networks, a strictly more powerful abstraction which has been occasionally used in molecular programming. Again we prove complexity hardness results, which in this case are as expected uncomputable in the general case; however, many practical systems can still be verified, and we give one such example. Finally, we use bisimulation to identify a class of single-locus networks that are practical to implement. Thus we show a method of verification which can simplify use of the above-mentioned compiler by proving general statements of correctness about its results. Second, given a programming language and a concept of compiling it, it would be useful to optimize the result of the compilation. One particular area of optimization is the number of DNA strands per prepared complex; some experiments suggest that systems with no more than 2 strands per complex are more robust. Lulu Qian and I developed some proposed DNA Strand Displacement schemes for general Chemical Reaction Network implementations with no more than 2 strands per complex, and a number of other desirable properties. Meanwhile, having been shown to be useful for many reasons, the mechanisms of DNA Strand Displacement have recently been formalized, abstracted, and analyzed. I show that this formalization, combined with the bisimulation methods above, can prove various statements about the limits of DNA Strand Displacement systems. For example, a set of desirable conditions including the 2-strand limit cannot be achieved by any general Chemical Reaction Network implementation scheme. I also observe that two of the new schemes we discovered, each meeting all but one condition of the impossible set, were found in the process of coming up with this proof. I thus argue that through formalization of DNA Strand Displacement we can have a more systematic method of finding and designing molecular programs, and of knowing when the programs we want do not exist.

Scholars in the Ming Dynasty loved books, and took reading as a part of life. They collected books through the ways of visiting, buying, borrowing, and transcribing. The activitive of visiting books, not only strengthen the will of studying and collecting books, but also restored the classical ancient ones. It is because the scholars restored and published the ancient books that gave the Ming Dynasty rich cultural heritage. And it does have a cultural meaning that cannot be replaced. Besides, through borrowing, the rare books can be spread and transcribed into hundreds. The transcribing activities followed the reading life and set a style of ”personality”. The article was written in six parts including preface, reading and visiting, reading and buying, reading and borrowing, reading and transcribing, and conclusion.

At the turn of the Ming (1368-1644) and the Qing (1644-1911) dynasties, playwrights of the Soochow school created many scripts of high drama. Among them, the legend Qianzhong lu, a story based on the life of Emperor Hui (Jianwen) of the Ming dynasty, made Kunju Opera popular and encouraged Qing dynasty playwrights to write more Chuanqi stories on Emperor Hui of the Ming dynasty.Emperor Hui's whereabouts has become a mystery ever since Emperor Chengzu of the Ming dynasty (r. 1403-1424) ascended the throne. Emperor Hui died in conflagration when Emperor Chengzu launched the ”Battle of Jingnan.” However, Emperor Hui's body was never found (or the body could not be identified). Therefore, it was rumored that Emperor Hui somehow escaped the carnage. This unsolved mystery still resonates to this date.At the turn of Ming to Qing, playwright Li Yu and his colleagues used the story of Emperor Hui to remind people that they should still be loyal to the Ming throne. However, the present author believes that this is a reflection of diaspora among the former Ming officials.For Emperor Hui, the final destination was to return to his homeland. To Li Yu and his fellow playwrights, to find a home for their souls were the wishes of all dissipates.On the basis of this theory, we find more depth into the diaspora narrative by the Soochow school playwrights. The present article attempts to reconstruct its multi-faceted implications from the diaspora narrative perspective.

Alicia Bewicke Little (1845-1926) was one of the earliest English writers who traveled deep into the interior of China during the late imperial period. She was also the most active feminist campaigning for the abolition of the old Chinese custom of footbinding. Her travelogue In the Land of the Blue Gown (1901) meticulously records such events as her sojourn in rural Sichuan, the anti-foreign riots in West China, and her anti-footbinding tours around China, offering us precious first-hand accounts of the early encounter between East and West. The ethics of travel is a promising new topic in travel literature studies, as yet little discussed in Taiwan. The present paper tries to find concrete examples from Little's book for an engaging discussion of cross-cultural negotiations, focusing particularly on moments of unease when cultural alterity is intensely felt and exploring its ethical implications. In recent years, owing to the influence of postcolonial theory, Anglo-American travel writing scholarship has tended to adopt a more rigid approach to ethical issues, often sacrificing the more nuanced understanding of moral complexities and ambiguities for pointed ideological critiques. This paper seeks to redress the balance by attending to the more confusing and aporetic kinds of travel experience. The major themes to be discussed include the civilizing mission, social sympathy, self-preservation, tolerance, and the importance of intercultural communication.

The Qing Myanmar campaign (1765-1770) was the most disastrous frontier war that the Qing dynasty had ever waged. In the beginning, the Qianlong emperor (r. 1735-1795) of the Qing dynasty had envisaged winning this war in one easy stroke, as he deemed Myanmar no more than a remote barbarian tribe without any power. But he was wrong. After the Green Standard troops in Yunnan failed to bring the Myanmar to their knees, Qianlong sent his elite Manchu troops in. A regional conflict was thus escalated into a major frontier war that involved military maneuvers nationwide. At the front, the Manchu Bannermen had to deal with the unfamiliar tropical jungles and swamps, and above all, the lethal endemic diseases. Not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. After a gruelling four-year campaign, a truce was reached by the field commanders of the two sides at the end of 1769 with the Qing invading expedition failing to conquer Myanmar and withdrawing in disarray. To rehabilitate itself, the Qing dynasty kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades.

Juelang Daosheng 覺浪道盛(1592-1659), a Ming loyalist monk straddling the Ming and Qing Dynasties, proposed an unusual thesis-the Tuo-Gu Theory 托孤說 in the studies of Zhuangzi in a chapter entitled ”Zhuangzi Serves as the True Orphan of Yao and Confucius” 〈正莊為堯孔真孤〉 in his book ”Zhuangzi Ti Zheng”《莊子提正》. The thinker Fang Yi-zhi 方以智(1611-1671) inherited this theory and wrote ”Yaodi Pao Zhuang” 《藥地炮莊》. Although there has been much discussion among contemporary scholars about the meaning of the Tuo-Gu Theory, the exact time when, the location where, and the reasons why Zhuangzi Ti Zheng was written remain a mystery. This essay explores this puzzle and verifies that Daosheng wrote the book in the fifth year of Shunzhi's 順治reign (1648), after consulting Cao Tai-Yue 曹臺岳, a member of the Bu-er Club 不二社, while Daosheng was staying at Wuxiang Temple, Dang-tu County, Tai-ping Prefecture 太平府當塗縣無相寺. Once this background is clarified, it becomes evident that, besides its intention to integrate Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, the Tuo-Gu Theory should be read as an argument for the Ming loyalists.

I based my thesis on Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci”, and veined with “History”, as an example to analyze the different reception from each dynasty’s readers. Whether the readers gave praise or criticism, the comments were the component parts of The History of Literary Reception in Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci”. By summing up opinions on lyrics, preface and postscript of lyrics books, subjects and notes of poetry, and notes and commentaries, we could show the aesthetic preference of each dynasty. According to the statistics of the lyrics collection, and the rules and forms of lyric composition, we could draw diagrams to explain each dynasty’s observations on Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci”. Furthermore, the views on the rules and forms of lyric composition connected with the acceptance condition. Together, they could aid Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci” spreading. After reading Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci”, writers reckoned highly to imitate the form of “Xiao Shan Ci”. Through putting dynasty in order and expounding one another relation and innovative ideas, it made people realize what each dynasty emphasized. Comparing reader’s reception of Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci” in different dynasties, three main points could be drawn: first, the various criticism of “Xiao Shan Ci” was dominant in Sung Dynasty. Second, the propagation of “Xiao Shan Ci” was major in Ming Dynasty. Third, the receptive opinion of “Xiao Shan Ci” was multifarious and fully presented in Ching Dynasty. In brief, the three main points were elements of The History of Literary Reception in Yan Ji-Dao’s “Xiao Shan Ci”.