論陸志鴻治校風格與臺大文學院(1946.8~1948.5)

The public housing policy in Taiwan can be traced back to the Japanese Colonial Period (1895-1945). Since then, the space form of housing has been changing significantly, through Japanese Colonial Period, the end of World War II, and United States Aid until the 1960s. Reviewing the history of Taiwan's design and construction of public (national) housing, it is always connected with dominant powers which were from external. The new cultural imagine of resident was created by mixing the translation by Japanese colonialists, the introduction by technical adviser of USAID and the United Nations, and the cognition and re-interpretation by migrated technical officers from China and local architectural professions. Therefore, the practical process of modern residence in Taiwan was full of diversity and divergence. This study proposes to use new historical science, textual analysis and discourse analysis as reference methods to review the historical experience of the development of public (national) housing in Taiwan from 1910 to 2000. In doing so, this study aspires to present how a country with different regime types capitalizes on the mechanism of the operation of power such as national housing policies, monitoring and control to make decisions for, separate, renovate, and govern space. By referring to technical officers, professionals, and outsourcing consultants’ modernist housing design discourses, this study delves into the process of how a modern living knowledge system in pursuit of progress and efficiency is constructed and gradually becoming a society's collective consciousness, practice, and imagination in everyday life.

Several sectors of Honduras society are worried due to the financial aid offered by the government of Popular Republic of China (continental China) for the construction of Hydroelectric Dam: “Patuca III”, located in Honduras nor-western area. The countries do not hold diplomatic relationship. By the other side, it was said that the support was offered by the Republic of China (Taiwan) considered as a friend of Honduras. It is understood that Honduras needs to carry out this Project; however, apprehension is perceived among Honduras citizens. Most of them are not compatible Continental China political ideology. Hondurans think that it is even weirder that this contract was signed up during an Administration conducted by the National Party, the most conservative party of Honduras. It is even more surprising the recent report transmitted by TN5, a local TV news program. The news reported declares since Beijing Bank has not given the offered amount, the Honduras State will look for other financer to execute Patuca III. Due to this action the construction has been stopped since 2013. To Honduras people, Patuca III do not justify accepting an economical aid from a country whose political system differ from Honduras’. Informers judge that Taiwan has always been in disaster produced by either nature or man phenomena, as well as during periods of political instability. According to them, harmony with long time friend countries is more important than building a dam that although necessary, will not solve Honduras electricity problems: but it will affect nature reserves and international declared protected areas that surround the region where the dam will be constructed. Besides being commercial and financial important influential, Honduras Chinese colony is large. Most of his members came from Continental China; they did not come from Formosa Island. Even though the first Chinese came running away either from Opium wars or Taiping rebellion , the ones arriving since 1930s (a larger amount than the first immigrants) escaped from communist regime imposed by Mao Tse-tung and the subsequent internals wars hold between nationalists and rebels. In other wars, they are not communist countries partisans. These immigrants are worried about Beijing desired of supporting non communist Latin-American countries, Honduras in special. Having three terrestrial borders; ten sea borders; and excellent nature docks in Caribbean sea, as well as the Fonseca Gulf, Honduras occupies a strategic position in Central-American isthmus. There is a lack of things in terms of industrial exploitation and international market competitiveness. Common citizens wonder: What can Honduras give in return? What kind of benefit will China perceive? Even worse what kind of risk will Honduras face accepting the financial aid from Beijing? What will happen with Taiwan? Since there is no free lunch, Honduras must know the consequences of the offer, the cost and the disposition of Honduras actual Administration of paying the price.

After the Second World War, a bipolar world, known as the Cold War Era, has been clearly formed between the Western Bloc and Communist Bloc while the United States and the Soviet Union at the peak on each side. In Eastern Europe, the United States was restrained and felt helpless about Soviet expansion in this area with the perception of Yalta system. On the other hand, in Asia, with the breakdown of talks, an all-out war resumed. A Chinese civil war fought between Kuomintang (also as KMT or Chinese National Party) and Chinese Communist Party (CCP). At the end of 1948, KMT has occupied the inferior position. In the early period of 1949, CCP forces crossed the Yangtze River and successfully captured Nanking, the capital of KMT’s Republic of China (PRC) government. On October 1, 1949, Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) with its capital at Beiping, which was renamed Beijing. Chiang Kai-shek and millions of Nationalist Chinese retreated from mainland China to the island of Taiwan. Confronted with the CCP takeover of mainland China, the United States came to reformulate its China Policy which later marked a turning point in Sino-American relationship during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950. In June 1948, the leader of Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, was officially denounced and his party, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), was ejected as a member of the Cominform by the Soviet Union. Since the West branded Tito a Soviet puppet for his loyalty and constancy of faith to Stalinism, the Tito-Stalin Split presented a whole new realm of possibilities to the United States for its dilemma in china—“Chinese Titoism.” With the influence of Stilwell Incident over Sino-American relationship and the facts of Tito-Stalin Split, Truman made an about-face change to U.S. China Policy in 1949. By the early 1949, the Truman Administration has already been making plans to diverge from Chiang and his KMT such as the publication of China White Paper; at the same time, Truman Administration keeping making chances to have conversations with the CCP. By meeting and negotiating with the CCP officials, Truman Administration attempted to disunite Communist China and the Soviet Union, expected Mao to be the “Asian Tito,” and then Communist China can joint forces with the United States to fight against the Soviet Union, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Until the outbreak of Korean War in June 1950, the United States finally realized that what it faced is hostile china along with the Sino-Soviet partnership. By applying Graham T. Allison’s three decision-making models, namely, the Rational Actor Model (RAM), the Organizational Behavior Model (OBM), and the Governmental Politics Model (GPM) as the theoretical structure and basis, the thesis would step by step explore the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950 through the perspectives of the rational assessment and choice on national interest, struggles between/among organizations based on different target and organizational culture, and pulling, hauling and bargaining games among relative bureaucrats. In addition, the thesis also applied the principles from Alexander L. George’s book, Presidential Decision-making in Foreign Policy, to aim at examining how President Truman’s, who has the final say, character, personality, value and world views made effect in the decision-making process of the target case study. In the process of theory confirming, the thesis discovered that by the period of transformation of Chinese regimes in 1949, the Tito-Stalin Split of 1948 presented the United States a new inspiration for the Communist World, that is, the Eastern Bloc is not a rigid “Iron Curtain.” Truman Administration considered that Titoism may set its roots upon China, the Yugoslav-Soviet Conflict could be a replay situation that occurred in mainland China, and both would put the strategic thought—Engaging China to counter the Soviet Threat—into practice. Nevertheless, from the historical perspectives, this kind of strategic thought seemed over-optimistic, which did not conform to fully rational considerations. However, with regard to the background of the early Cold War Era and the suspicion between the Truman Administration and KMT, the alternative that the United States took reflected the principles of “bounded rationality model.” As a result, by examining the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950, what the thesis explored not only the facts about the Sino-American relationship in this period, but also the continuity and change of Truman’s China Policy along with its cause and effect.

本文是以戰後臺灣壽險市場的發展為研究主題。臺灣壽險市場已是國際社會所稱保險成熟市場，但臺灣的死亡保障缺口卻未隨國人保費支出的增加而減少，反倒擴大。為了瞭解究竟是什麼因素造成臺灣壽險市場的獨特性，本文主張必須從影響市場結構之制度環境如何形成著手，並強調完整的市場研究需探討有關市場形成的兩個息息相關的制度化過程：（1）國家如何在本身所處制度環境中制訂正式規則？（2）市場行動者如何在國家所規範的正式規則中形成市場結構？本文預設國家與市場是兩個相互依賴的策略行動場域。這個預設具有兩個意涵。其一，本文的「國家自主性」不是國家不受社會羣體影響的自主性，而是鑲嵌於具體的社會關係中。但國家有可能因為組織形態，而使某個部門的政策意見相較於其他部門的政策意見更有機會被採納，因此，當政體結構與國際情勢有所變化，不同政治行動者在決策過程中的角色與權力也會有所變化。其二，在國家場域與市場場域（或稱非國家場域）中的行動者有所謂「在位者」與「挑戰者」之分，在位者或挑戰者為了促使其他行動者與他合作，會嘗試使其政策觀點成為政策選項之一，進而主導市場發展的走向。然而，儘管行動者會對「外在於」國家場域與非國家場域的歷史事件進行策略性詮釋與利用，使某個歷史事件成為影響政策制訂與市場發展的重要因素，行動者在推動某個政策時卻是基於自身短期的利益考量而非政策的長遠影響，以致政策發展的長遠結果往往是短期政治考量的副產品，或者即使政策制訂者確實是基於政策的長遠影響推動某個政策，卻也會因為有太多行動者參與其中、有太多政策制訂工作要持續進行，以致難以監督政策的實際成效而產出意想不到的政策結果（即市場發展）。 基於上述預設，本文以「威權主義」、「分配主義」、「重商主義」三個不同類型的發展型國家階段來表達國家自主性在不同時期的表現。同時，由於與壽險市場相關的政策議題非常多，限於篇幅，本文選擇以「保險資金運用」、「保險契約關係」、「保險通路管理」這三個政策議題，探討它們在這三個不同類型的發展型國家階段如何形成與發展，又如何經過市場行動者的運用，而為下一階段的政策變遷埋下伏筆。最後，本文亦透過考察每個階段的在位者與挑戰者，來瞭解行動者根據政策所發展出來的市場策略如何影響市場文化的形成。 研究結果發現，就經驗現象而言，臺灣壽險市場的獨特性不只與消費者的觀點及社會經濟的發展有關，亦與國家政策有關。更精準的說法是，社會經濟的發展會影響國家監理壽險市場的相關政策，消費者的觀點則是市場發展的結果。以本文一開始所指出的死亡保障缺口而論，死亡保障缺口隨著國民所得的提高反而擴大的原因多少與國家未以建立國人的保險觀念為政策選項有關，因壽險公司所採取與「保險資金運用」、「保險契約關係」、「保險通路管理」這三個議題相關的策略行動據此就以能夠達到快速累積資本的目的為優先考量，消費者觀點任由壽險公司形塑。就理論意涵而言，臺灣壽險市場的發展經驗清楚說明，國家與市場兩者密切互動。同時，「國家自主性」不能只從國家「獨斷性權力」與「基礎構造權力」的構成來判斷。更重要的是國家的「政策能力」。而國家的政策能力是建立在公民社會的健全之上。亦即，只要國家是個民主政體，公民社會始終對公共議題保持高度關注並採取相應的政治行動，國家與特定資本家或社會羣體之間的特殊關係不會產生只有利於特定資本家或社會羣體的政策發展，只要政策不是圖利特定資本家或社會羣體，市場發展的結果自然朝向有利於社會整體的方向進行。

Tartu Ülikooli kunstiajalooõpetuse moderniseerimisest ja kollektsioonide rollist kunstiajaloo professori valimistel aastatel 1919–1921

This article describes the life of Ye Jung-chong as an anti-Japanese intellectual in the post-colonial era. Before World War II, Ye Jung-chong was a right-wing intellectual of the anti-Japanese movement. Such had been his image in modern Taiwan. After the war, he published a series of works in the 1960s when Taiwan was still under martial law, thereby passing down his experiences and memories of the anti-Japanese movement in the 1920s to the younger generation. This article attempts to explore the historical background and his life experiences that changed Ye Jung-chong from an anti-Japanese intellectual into a writer of historical experiences. Although not belonging to the postwar generation, Ye Jung-chong attracted much the attention of the postwar generation both domestic and overseas because of his book, ＂History of the Taiwanese National Movement＂, and because he was part of the ＂back-to-reality＂ trend of thought of the 1970s. Although he was invited to write History of the Taiwanese National Movement as a refutation of Yang Chao-chia's memoirs, it did reveal his strong ＂determination to write history.＂ In the aftermath of World War II, his role as a ＂writer＂ overlapped with his engagement to ＂write history.＂ Ye Jung-chong's zeal to write history stemmed from his demand for equal recognition of the Taiwanese history and culture. His spirit of recording history had set a precedent for the postwar generation, including Kang Ning-hsiang, Huang Huang-hsiung and others. Moreover, every time a predecessor of the anti-Japanese movement died, Ye Jung-chong published essays of commemoration and passed down memories of the forerunners. The 'tangwai' magazines inherited his literary style, which was also a part of his legacy prior to the study of Taiwanese history in the later half of the 1980s. Analyzing the writing activities of Ye Jung-chong in his late years can shed light on the post-colonial cultural movement and the process through which historical experiences of Taiwanese under Japanese colonial rule were discoursed, which makes it a part of social memory under the KMT's dominant, one-party regime in the postwar era.

This dissertation examines the motivations, logic, and functions of media control in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Rather than telling the history of media control in modern China, or giving a comprehensive account of the techniques employed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control the media, it investigates the origins of the CCP’s theoretical approach to the media, as well as the consequences of the resulting concepts for practical media work in the PRC. The first half of the thesis tracks the genesis of the Party’s media concept and reconstructs the conditions that contributed to its rise in the first half of the twentieth century; the chapters in the latter half follow this concept in its implementation through a number of case studies from the early 1950s through the late 1990s. Since the day of its founding, the CCP has placed great emphasis on questions of media and propaganda; after 1949 the party-state has claimed full control of the Chinese print, broadcast, and electronic media. Asking for the reasons behind this claim, I argue that it must be traced back to the Party’s desire to bring about the transformation of human consciousness and to create an environment conducive to this process, a utopian project informed as much by the Leninist version of Marxism as by Neo-Confucian ideas of education and state-society relations prevalent in the late imperial era. This project and its underlying fundamental assumptions have survived – in greatly transmuted form – to the present day and continue to inform the strict control of the Chinese media, even when such controls clash with other political and socio-economic interests of the Party-state. I propose to take the media as a variable to measure changes in the CCP’s approach to governance. The Party’s handling of the media serves as a mirror of state-society relations; consequently, the investigation into the media provides us with information on the CCP’s conceptions of governance under changing circumstances. I argue that over the past twenty years, the CCP has successfully altered and reinterpreted its vision of the state and its position therein; it has adopted a more flexible set of methods to achieve its fundamental political objectives. At the same time, however, the ultimate goals of the Party – originally formulated in Yan’an – have changed remarkably little.

The aboriginal writing in the 90s used to be involved in the problems of political power, historical explanation and social existence that were closely related to the modernity and colonialism history established and formed by the modern western civilization. Going through the modernity and colonial consciousness revealed in the writing of both modern aboriginal writers Tien Ya-Ko and Hsia-Man Lan-Po-AN not only helps to clarify the problems induced by the conflicts between post colonialism and ethnicity consciousness in Taiwan literature, but also helps to rethink how the ghost of culture hegemony could be reborn in the ideological state apparatus and finally provides the deconstruction possibilities for various discourse of Taiwan literature.

Imperialism loomed over the entire East Asia in the first half of the 20th century, with Japan being the major colonial empire in Asia Pacific. Soaking up all networks of its colonies, Imperial Japan established its predominant status and imposed stringent regulations on interflow among its colonies in the region, with Taiwan and Korea being no exception. In other words, strict colonial rule of the Japanese had severed mutual interaction and free flow of population between Taiwan and Korea. The seemingly active interchange of people within the Japanese empire was mainly ”the flow of administrators under colonial bureaucracy”. There was no direct transportation route between Taiwan and Korea. Apart from the few openings for overseas studies or industrial colonization offered by the imperial empire, there was no interflow of people among the colonies. Hence, one could hardly find Taiwanese in Colonial Korea or Koreans in Colonial Taiwan; and this situation persisted till the end of Japanese colonial rule.Nevertheless, beginning from the 1930s, a small number of Taiwanese were found pursuing medical studies at the Keijo Medical College, Heijo Medical College, Daikyu Medical College and Keijo Imperial University in Colonial Korea. Though these Taiwanese medical students were few, never more than a hundred, they were indeed rare and exceptional cases in the medical education system under the Japanese Colonial Government of Korea. These Taiwanese medical students were also the only group who had first-hand experience of life in Colonial Korea in that era.This research aims to explore why and how these Taiwanese chose to pursue medical studies in Colonial Korea. Depicting their life and experience in this foreign land also shed light on the encounter of Taiwanese in another East Asian colony during that time. In addition, by examining how these Taiwanese medical students got involved with Korea in the postwar era, we can catch a glimpse of how imperialism and colonialism penetrated and assumed control over and beyond the colonial era.

Background : Our aim was to describe the socio-demographic factors and selected clinical characteristics of patients diagnosed with nodules of the thyroid gland in Albania, a former communist country in the Western Balkans which is currently undergoing a rapid transformation and deep reforms. Methods : A case-series study was conducted in Tirana during the period September 2016 – September 2017 including 212 patients examined at the Center of Nuclear Medicine of the University Hospital Center “Mother Teresa” in Tirana, the capital city of Albania. Based on clinical indications, all the patients underwent scintigraphy, FNA-cytology and a histo-pathological examination of the thyroid gland. Furthermore, other useful clinical data and socio-demographic information was collected. Results : 32 (15.1%) patients were men and 180 (84.9) were women. The overall mean age was 51.2±13.6 years. Mean age was significantly higher in men compared to women (55.3±15.6 years vs. 50.5±13.2 years, respectively; P=0.016). Overall, 80 (37.7%) of participants were born in Tirana, and 113 (53.3%) of individuals were currently residing in Tirana. The overall prevalence of preexisting conditions was 33.2%. It was significantly higher in men than in women (56.3% vs. 29.1%, respectively; P=0.004). Among individuals who had evidence of preexisting diseases, 74.3% of them had cardiovascular diseases and 25.7% had diabetes. A positive family history of nodules of the thyroid gland was more prevalent in women than in men (40.0% vs. 18.8%, respectively; P=0.028). Conclusion : This study provides useful evidence on the distribution of socio-demographic factors and clinical characteristics in Albanian patients with nodules of the thyroid gland. Keywords: Albania, endocrinology, nodules, thyroid gland

The thesis states about the research of the leader of the important poetic society “Li poetic organization” and his works “Ho-Ting Poems” during Japanese Colonial Rule. With the poems of Ho-Ting and the other literature documents ,we try to realize the life experience of Fu Hsi Chi for analyzing the content of “Ho-Ting Poems” and the spirit of Taiwan traditional literati further, during Japanese Colonial Rule. The first chapter “introduction” including the research motivation , method, reviews of related research documents and illustrates the constructs of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the life experience of the poet Fu Hsi Chi，illustrates his public career and literature activities, so as to realize the background of Fu for presenting the whole life during the time of the history about the traditional literati with knowledgeable Sinology. Chapter 3 mentions the author’s contradiction and recognition between the native country and the new ruler, and the attitude toward the politic doghouse written in his works “Ho-Ting Poems” . Chapter 4 presents Fu’s family and domestic life written in “Ho-Ting Poems” . Besides，we also mentions the friendship of Fu and the other literati. In Chapter 5，we try to find the author’s view of sympathy on Taiwan locals in his works “Ho-Ting Poems” and observe the nature landscape, living of plebeian inhabitants and natural disasters during Japanese Colonial Rule. Chapter 6 concludes the previous chapters , states the accomplishments of Fu Hsi Chi and the value of “Ho-Ting Poems”. All in all, the thesis explores the life experience of Fu Hsi Chi. Beside, presents the nature of Taiwan, the recognition and the modern time experiences of traditional literati . Also, we observe the parts of their roles during Japanese Colonial Rule for realizing and researching the traditional literati and their works

本文寫作期間，正值台灣及中國兩方面的學界，針對「台灣文學史」的論述方式，有著諸多意識型態上的矛盾與磨擦。為了解此間問題根源，有必要從歷史及現實等方面，進行兩方的論述考察與批判。本文首先追究「台灣文學」此一觀念的發生，再說明台灣與中國在「台灣文學史」的寫作實踐上的歷史情境，及釐清隱藏於情境背後的意識型態限制。最後再針對重要的文學史作家進行批判、檢驗並從中思考他們所未辨析的文學史難題。「台灣文學」一名之提出，源自於日本時期的文學和文化思考。將思考落實成文字，則起自1943年的黃得時。歷經戰爭及戒嚴的偏廢和禁錮，「台灣文學」暫被歸類於中國文學之一個支流，並不受重視。及至1970年代，台灣意識甦醒，再有陳少廷等人開始還原「台灣文學史」在日本時期的歷史面貌，並經1980年代的葉石濤等人之努力，終於建立了一脈無需依附中國文學體系與價值的「台灣文學史」。中國的台灣文學史書寫，則起於1980年代的的統戰政策，造成數十本「台灣文學史」皆具有論述上的盲點。特別值得注意的是2000年後由陳映真及呂正惠等台籍作家和學者，他們儼然成為現下中國在建立台灣文學史論述時的新血。兩人皆視野廣泛，論述有據，卻仍甘於將台灣文學史的書寫，視為中國對台政治行動的一部份。不過他們對於文學史書寫的思考，雖有意識型態上的重大疑慮，但仍有值得延申再議的空間。

”Taiwan Tojishi” (A Record of Ruling Taiwan) was written by Takekoshi Yosaburo (1865-1950), a Japanese historian and statesman, who had used rich archives and documents of Taiwan Governor Government in depicting the development of Japanese colonization in Taiwan. When writing this historical work in 1905, his powerful writing, based upon investigative files and statistics, had strengthened the reliability and credibility of his arguments. In 1910, his another book entitled ”Nan-koku Ki” (A Journey to South Countries) expanded the scope of his colonial discourse to cover the areas of southeast Asia. In this book of journey, he sharply observed the political situations of each colony in southeast Asia with exotic eyes. Both of the books, tinged with literary style, were undoubtedly motivated by colonial desire to betray his political unconsciousness of conquering southern territories. After the Meiji Restoration, Japanese had tried every possible way to construct the discourse on their southbound military advance which was well exemplified by Takekoshi's two books. This paper proposes to inquire into the writing of his books in order to gain a better understanding of the formation of the discourse on southbound advance strategy and the representation of colonized countries before wartime.

The Saudi Arabia’s “Fundamentalists” the position runs counter in the basic religious doctrine with, and People's Republic of China ’s “Communist” and “Socialism” the idea, also can affect the Saudi Arabian imperial family’s benefit and the stability. However the Saudi Arabia actually purchases the missile to the People’s Republic of China, and established diplomatic relations in 1990 . The Transformation in Diplomatic Relations between Saudi-Arabia and China was really worth studying and the discussion truly. Because in 1973 the petroleum crisis took Saudi Arabia the huge economic interest, enable Saudi Arabia’s government to have the abundant financial resource to foster the talent, but caused in this border to have the social structure change, because the group accepted the higher education or overseas abroad study return to homeland, dominated the political power to Saudi Arabian’s Government and the traditional royal court to be discontented, finally urged Saudi Arabian’s King to implement the reform as well as the cabinet carries on the reorganization, in addition, also enabled the sand country tradition political power abandonment passing the country to have to “the communism” first impressions ares most lasting the hostility, and after suffered US ‘s Parliament to go back a promise to sell the Saudi Arabian F-15 fighter plane, originated the policy using the disperser arms sale to purchase missiles form People’s Republic of China. In the international environment aspect, the Saudi Arabia after the excavating petroleum, is admires the US military force to protect its petroleum benefit, but because US's Israel's policy, causes the Saudi Arabia to the American confidence vacillation, however, this time People’s Republic of China actually unceasingly (the People’s Republic of China using the United Nations Security Council), the economy (purchases petrified industry and wheat), the military (sells the missiles), the psychology (using religious relations), at that time Saudi Arabia is in order to maintain the Saudi Arabian leader regime stably, strengthens own national defense military force, by the consolidated this country in under the Islam world leading positions consideration, urges Saudi Arabia choose People’s Republic of China to purchases missiles, and establishes both sides official foreign relations.

Nation sovereignty represents for the dignity completion in society and for the domain in the domestic country system. Territory, people, government, and sovereignty consist of a real nation; therefore, the sovereignty possesses the unique, the most superior and self-discipline characteristic. Nation sovereignty cannot separate, share as well as divide and rule; on the contrary, the sovereignty, regime, and governance are in unanimity. Hence, Taiwan attempts to be on the way to a nation what the sovereignty, regime, and governance are in unanimity at present- it involves the problems for the orientation in nation and the identification in sovereignty. Due to the complex history and distinctive immigration background in Taiwan, it has to be provided with abundant needs during the process of modem development in past fifty years. In vertical vision, it goes through the stage development of the colonialism, the authority politics, and the declaration of the martial law, the nationalism, and the capital economic; in horizontal vision, it reflects mutually the lash of the value view for the multiple viewpoints of the post-modem pluralism, the indulgence from the urban and the rural, the confrontation from the old and the new. Consequently, the literary work will probe into the orientation between the Nativization and the Desinofication in Nationalism.