The Forty-Third Annual Meeting

From 1815 to 1860 Americans believed that their goals were to assure the success of their republican experiment and to encourage other countries to adopt governments similar to that of the United States. Furthermore, citizens contended that perpetuation of the republic depended upon preservation of the Union, maintenance of a virtuous popula tion, and demonstration of gratitude toward the Founding Fathers. While attempting to accomplish these objectives, Americans were controlled by the nineteenth-century theory of history-philosophy teaching by example. The primary function of history was didactic; a study of the past would inculcate loyalty and patriotism to the nation. On the personal level, historical figures should be emulated in order to instill in individuals the virtues of self-reliance, perseverance, industry, piety, consistency, benevolence, and disinterestedness. A virtuous population would put the good of the nation above all other considerations thereby assuring the perpetuation of the Union. When other nations saw how prosperous and happy Americans were, they would more readily imitate the government of the United States. Given the goals of Americans and the prevailing philosophy of history, it is not surprising that citizens turned to their Revolutionary history, for the War of iv Independence was the first common experience of the American people. According to nineteenth-century citizens, the Revo lution proved that the Union was essential for overcoming adversity, and the Constitution represented the written foundation of the Union. A generation that produced the cornerstones of American government-the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution-consisted of heroes who were certainly worthy of emulation. Venerating their fathers, citizens believed that they were contributing to their own patriotism by imitating the virtues of their ancestors. To most Americans of the nineteenth century, the Revolution represented the ideal by which they judged them selves as well as others. Though they became disillusioned when foreign upheavals failed to produce republican govern ments, Americans felt even more determined to carry on the work of the Founding Fathers. Constantly looking to the past for guidance, most citizens began to wonder if they themselves were living up to the standards of the Revolu tionary generation. Other Americans, however, began to question the popular image of the Revolutionary heroes by emphasizing unsavory aspects of the War of Independence. At the time that citizens were looking to the past, the United States itself was undergoing a transition from a simple agrarian nation to an economically complex one. Despite the changes in economics, politics, attitudes, and values, most Americans continued to use the Revolutionary v generation as the standard of measurement. When problems of tariff, banking, reforms, slavery, and territorial expansion were discussed, both opponents and supporters of particular policies used some aspect of Revolutionary history to justify their positions. Because the Revolution itself was a complex event, the War of Independence ironically became another sectional issue that widened the gulf between North and South. Rather than discussing the validity of the views of the war, this study analyzes the image of the Revolution found in histories, biographies, fiction, orations, journals, and congressional debates. An attempt is made to relate the image of the Revolution to contemporary events and issues between 1815, a year that marked a resurgence of nationalism, and 1860 when the Union divided along sectional lines. vi

The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, with Some Account of the Attitude of France toward the War of Independence. By Charlemagne Tower, Jr., LL.D. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1895. Two vols., pp. xi, 494, 537.) Get access The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, with Some Account of the Attitude of France toward the War of Independence. By Tower CharlemagneJr., LL.D. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1895. Two vols., pp. xi, 494, 537.) John Bassett Moore John Bassett Moore Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 1, Issue 1, October 1895, Pages 158–160, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/1.1.158 Published: 01 October 1895

Prosecuting the Revolution Richard C. Haskett Richard C. Haskett George Washington University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 59, Issue 3, April 1954, Pages 578–587, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/59.3.578 Published: 01 April 1954

In 1929 the British scholar, Cecil Jane, published his classic,Liberty and Despotism in Spanish America. In it he wrote:The War of Independence was neither anti-Spanish nor non- Spanish. It was not the outcome of the spread of ideas recently imported from Europe or of some sudden awakening of political life, produced by the reception of eighteenth-century philosophic theories or by such events as the successful revolt of the English colonies in North America and the French Revolution [Jane, 1966: 81].Instead, Jane (1966: 79) argued that the War of Independence was an attempt to realize the most deeply felt ideals, “which were derived not from any external sources, but from the very hearts of the people.” Similarly he argued that the political conceptions of Spanish Americans were (and continued to be) Spanish, not Anglo-Saxon, and he strongly suggested that the example of the British North Americans exerted little if any influence on the Spanish Americans of the nineteenth century. Jane (1966: 111-112, 168-172) also attacked with thinly veiled contempt the idea that the salvation of Latin America lay in emulating England or the United States.

TO the student of Canadian-American relations an interesting problem is posed by the unexplained presence in the Articles of Confederation of a special provision for the adherence and admission of Canada,1 especially so because of the absence of a similar provision in the Constitution.2 What prompted the framers of the Articles of Confederation to seek the annexation of Canada? In this writer's opinion it was fear-the fear that the Revolutionary cause would be imperiled if Canada were permitted to return to its former French role as a base of anti-American military and Indian operations. To substantiate this thesis it will be necessary to begin our investigations with the Quebec Act of I774 and to continue them through the debates which led to the adoption of the Constitution in 1788. Whatever be the real intentions of its authors, the passage of the Quebec Act on June 22, 1774, in the company of the four Intolerable Acts, instantly revived the American fear of Canada which had lain dormant since the expulsion of the French in 1763. On September 17, the first Continental Congress, after being in session less than two weeks, registered its sharp disapproval of the Quebec Act by accepting the Suffolk Resolves, which bitterly condemned the establishment of "the Roman Catholic religion and the French laws" in Canada as "dangerous in an extreme degree to the Protestant religion and to the civil rights and liberties of all America."3 By October I4 Congress had concluded that the Quebec Act was further suspect because of the obnoxious company in which it had been passed.4 Less than a week later it voiced the opinion that the sinister purpose of the Quebec Act was "by the influence of civil principles and ancient prejudices to dispose the inhabitants [of Quebec] to act with hostility against the free Protestant

Reviewed by: The History of American Slaveholders by Wang Jinhu 王勇 [Wang Yong] 美国奴隶主史 [The History of American Slaveholders]. By 王金虎 [Wang Jinhu]. (Beijing, China: Peking University Press, 2019. Pp. [viii], 574. ISBN 978-7-301-30144-9.) American history is a hot field for Chinese historians who study world history. For Chinese scholars, American history is national and federal history, the history of the United States as a whole, and the importance of regionalism or sectionalism, or the history of a specific region or state, has been almost unanimously neglected. One reason for this approach is Chinese historians' misperception of the United States based on Chinese politics. Another reason is the influence of traditional class struggle ideology, which overemphasizes class struggle and denies regionalism as a driving force of American history. When interpreting American history, Chinese historians deem the American South a loser and an outsider with little significance in the historical development of the country. As a result, there are very few Chinese academic works on the history of the American South. Although some scholars of American literature have shown interest in southern literature and culture, the South as a region has been almost forgotten by Chinese scholars more broadly. American history is interpreted as a process dominated by the North, especially the Northeast. For Chinese scholars of American history, diplomatic history and social history are attractive fields, while the history of American slavery is an understudied field with few modern implications. Wang Jinhu, a professor at China's Henan University, is a leading Chinese scholar of U.S. history who has been studying the topic for almost twenty years. Fifteen years ago, the author [End Page 900] published a monograph based on his doctoral dissertation called The Slaveholders and the Civil War (Beijing: People's Press, 2005), which apparently was the first published book in China on U.S. slavery. The History of American Slaveholders, the fruit of Wang's ten-year effort, is an outstanding book that pioneers U.S. slavery studies and American southern studies in China. The History of American Slaveholders presents a comprehensive history of slaveholders from the early seventeenth century to the end of the Civil War. In the beginning, the author defines the slaveholders' impact on American history as the most persistent, most powerful, and most profound: "White slaveholders existed for over two and a half centuries, from the British colonists' establishment of the first colony in North America to the end of the American Civil War. Slaveholders controlled southern society for two and a half centuries; from the formation of the country to the 1850s, they even dominated the federal government. The inequality between the blacks and the whites created by the slaveholders lasts until today; thus their impact on American society is indeed deep and far-reaching" (p. i). The book illustrates several important topics chronologically. The rise of the slaveholders is the topic of chapter 1. The transatlantic slave and economic trade nurtured the rise of slaveholders in North America. The rise of the slaveholders is well illustrated by the impressive family stories of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and several other well-known figures. The topic of chapter 2 is slaveholders and the American Revolution, and the chapter covers a series of actions and events such as North America's protests and resistance, the War for Independence, the formation of a republican confederation, and the creation of a federal state. "In this epoch-making transformation, among the elite groups that led the Revolution, the slaveholders' role was the most significant," Wang writes (p. 71). In the American Revolution, the elite slaveholders were important revolutionaries, becoming leaders of the cause. However, Wang also writes that "the slaveholders, as a very influential group, stubbornly refused to abandon enslaving the black people; thus the principle of equality and human rights proclaimed by the revolutionaries did not apply to the black slaves" (p. 72). This dilemma is well explained in this chapter through the vivid illustration of the Founding Fathers' complicated attitudes toward slavery. Chapter 3 talks about the expansion of the slave economy. The further development of the Atlantic world market pushed by the industrial revolution, the increase of the enslaved population...

This article examines the influence of the Dutch Revolt on the American Revolution. Many historians have emphasized the contributions of English and Roman history in guiding American Revolutionaries, but the Dutch Revolt was also an essential part of their ideological repertoire. Because of the similarities between the two events, the Dutch Revolt was a uniquely versatile historical memory, and Americans applied it to all steps of the revolutionary process. From the beginning to the end of the Revolution, American intellectuals saw parallels between their situation and that of the sixteenth-century Low Countries. Many Americans thought overreaching British policy mirrored Spain’s treatment of the Netherlands. When the Imperial Crisis escalated into open war, American Revolutionaries saw the Dutch Revolt as evidence that a collection of loosely united provinces could win a war of independence against a global superpower. This recollection made the Dutch Revolt a particularly distinct memory, because no other historical event could offer such a similar example of a war for national independence. Understanding the influence of the Dutch Revolt on the American Revolution not only adds a new ingredient to our understanding of revolutionary ideology but causes us to rethink how Americans applied the past to their Revolution.

The American Revolution was a gruesome warthat resulted in the independence of the United States of America from the British crown and countless casualties to both belligerents. However, from these desperate times, the treatment of traumatic head injury was elucidated, as were the origins of American neurosurgery in the 18th century. During the war, the surgical manual used by military field surgeons was titled Plain Concise Practical Remarks on the Treatment of Wounds and Fractures, by Dr. John Jones. This manual explains the different types of cranial injuries understood at that time as well as the relevant surgical treatment. This article seeks to review the surgical treatment of head injury in the Revolutionary War as outlined by Dr. Jones's manual.

International Bibliography of Historical Sciences. Edited by the International Committee. The Gospel in the Early Church. By James Mackinnon. The Making of Europe: an Introduction to the History of European Unity. By Christopher Dawson. Byzantine Civilisation. By Steven Runciman. France and Germany: The History of One Thousand Years. By Johannes Haller. La France et L'Allemagne depuis dix Siècles. Par Gastin Zeller. Borough and Town: a Study of Urban Origins in England. By Carl, Stephenson. Verfassungsgeschichte Londons, 1066–1288. 1929. vi + 143 pp. R.M. 5.80. London unter Eduard I and II. Band I, Untersuchungen; Band IT, Texte. 1933. 251 and 293 pp. R.M. 21 (sewn), 24 (bound), for the two vols. By Martin Weinbaum. Scottish Abbeys and Social Life. By G. G. Coulton. The Cambridge Medieval History. Edited by J. R. Tanner, C. W. Previte‐Orton and Z. N. Brooke. The influence of the Commons on early legislation: a study of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By H. L. Gray. The Register of Richard Fox, Lord Bishop of Durham, 1494–1501. Edited by Marjorie Peers Howden. The Second Hundred Years' War. (Berkshire Studies in World History.) By A. H. Buffinton. A History of Europe: Vols. ii and in, 1494–1815. By Andrew Browning and D. B. Horn. Le Commerce Francais à Seville et Cadix au Temps des Habsbourg. 1932. 604 pp. 50 fr. La Ilivalité Commerciale et Maritime entre Seville et Cadix jus qu'à la Fin du XVIIIe Siècle. 1932. 119 pp. 18 fr. Par Albert Girard. Sir Francis Drake. Par Léon Lemonnier. Les relations Anglo‐Hollandaises au debut du XVIlla siècle, d'apres la correspondance d'Alexandre Stanhope, 1700–1706. By Gabryelle van den Hautte. Hudson's Bay Company. By R. R. Pinkerton. The Founding of Churchill, being the journal of Captain James Knight, Governor‐in‐chief in Hudson Bay from July 14 to September 13, 1717. Edited by J. F. KENNEY. England and America. By C. H. Van Tyne. The War of Independence: American Phase. By C. H. Van Tyne. The American War of Independence. By Lieutenant‐Colonel F. E. Whitton. David Hartley, M.P., an Advocate of Conciliation, 1774–1783. By G. H. Guttridge. British Opinion and the American Revolution. By Dora Mae Clark. 1930. A Hundred Years of Catholic Emancipation, 1829–1929. By Denis Gwynn. Catholic Emancipation, 1829 to 1929. Essays by various writers, with an introduction by Cardinal Bourne. The History of the Anglo‐Catholic Revival, from 1845. By W. J. Sparrow Simpson. The Novel and the Oxford Movement. By Joseph Ellis Baker. Franklin Pierce. By R. F. Nichols. The Mission to Spain of Pierre Soulé, 1853–1855. A study in the Cuban diplomacy of the United States. By Amos A. Ettinger. Histoire du Peuple Anglais au XIXe Siècle.‐Epilogue (1895–1914). Tome II, Vers la dèmocratic sociale et vers la guerre (1905–1914). Par Elie Halevy.

Mercy Otis Warren was a white woman born into a socially connected family, which allowed her to interact with intellectual and political leaders of the American Revolution. She exchanged letters with Abigail and John Adams and participated actively in revolutionary causes alongside her brother and her husband, James Warren. She also corresponded with Catharine Sawbridge Macaulay beginning in 1773, in which they often talked about liberty, the American Revolution, and Britain’s corrupt and oppressive government. In 1788, Otis Warren wrote a pamphlet, “Observations on the New Constitution,” which was influential in the design and adoption of the Bill of Rights. In 1805, she published the book History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution. This chapter features Otis Warren’s letter to Macaulay, written in 1774.

Annis Boudinot Stockton, an elite early American poet and patriot, ends a letter to her daughter with a declaration: I am frightened at length of my letter--and more when I look at watch and see hour of night--it is past one oclock, and not a creature upon in house but my self--but you will say, it is my custon [sic] to keep vigils of night. Adieu my love, may heaven bless you and yours and protect you this night, prays your ever affectionate mother A Stockton--(307) According to Carla Mulford, editor of Only for Eye of a Friend: The Poems of Annis Boudinot Stockton, Stockton most likely wrote letter on 22 March 1793 (304). In writing this letter, Stockton mus[es] over her solitary fire at her elegant home in Princeton, New Jersey (304, 305). She must have had ink and pen at her side as well as sheets of paper, prepared for her script. But what was so urgent that Stockton needed to continue her day's labor into early hours of morning? Was it news of sickness or a neighborhood festivity? No, Stockton was writing to her daughter, Julia Stockton Rush, about her opinions of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of Rights of Woman. What follows is a study of this American reading of an English text. I begin with background about Stockton and her subject, Wollstonecraft's Rights of Woman. Next, I provide an overview of literary and feminist scholarship that underpins my reading. Finally, I analyze letter and argue that it demonstrates limitations of private and public sphere terminology in describing reception of early American women's letters. In contemplating women's rights, letter operates in an expanded sphere of intimacy that Stockton characterizes as the neighbourhood (304). Building upon her term, I propose that a woman author writing within an epistolary neighborhood can directly engage with political and domestic concerns. Blurring line between public and private, and private, an epistolary neighborhood allows a woman author to gain an audience beyond her home and family while also avoiding cultural ridiclue often directed at vocal women. Although other women, especially elite whites such as Mercy Otis Warren and Abigail Adams, also wrote in neighborhoods, Stockton's status as a widow gives us an opportunity to examine her text without specter of a politician husband hovering over our interpretations. Her writing, in short, offers a new lens through which to reconsider her contemporaries. According to Mulford's introduction to Stockton's letters, author was born in 1736 to Catherine Williams and Elias Boudinot, a well-to-do couple who provided her with an education alongside her brother Elais. She was born in Darby, Pennsylvania, but spent most of her youth in Philadelphia where her family's home and father's silversmith shop were next door to Benjamin Franklin's Post Office. After two moves, first within Philadelphia and second to New Brunswick, New Jersey, family finally settled in Princeton, New Jersey, in 1752 or 1753 (12). There, Annis Boudinot met and married successful Richard Stockton and they established their home across from College of New Jersey (15, 17). She romantically named their property Morven, after Fingal's Kingdom in James Macpherson's Ossianic poems. At Morven, couple cultivated an elite status by not only entertaining numerous guests, but also modeling their gardens to mirror those to Alexander Pope at Twickenham (17). As an elite man, Richard was drawn into New Jersey politics and worked on behalf of government until 1774 (19). Though initially taking a moderate stance toward American Revolution, Richard converted to patriotic cause in 1776, signed Declaration of Independence, and became a member of First Continental Congress (20). During occupation of New Jersey, Richard was seized by Tory leaders and taken captive by British who incarcerated him until 1777 (21). …

The Napoleonic invasion of Portugal and Spain in 1807 to 1808 destroyed the unity of the Iberian world and scattered its rulers. The flight of the Braganzas and the fall of the Bourbons left government in disarray. Once the metropolis had lost its authority, who ruled in America? And who should be obeyed? As legitimacy and loyalty were disputed, argument gave way to violence, and resistance escalated into revolution. But if the War of Independence was sudden and apparently unplanned, it had a long prehistory, during which colonial economies underwent growth, societies developed identity, and ideas advanced to new positions. Demands were now made for autonomy in government and a free economy. The Portuguese court met these expectations by adopting them; moving temporarily to Brazil, the monarchy itself led the colony peacefully into Independence with its own crown and a minimum of social change. Spain, on the other hand, fought fiercely for its freedom in Europe and for its empire in America. Spanish American Independence recoiled, regrouped and struck back on two fronts. The southern revolution advanced across the pampas from Buenos Aires and was carried by the Army of the Andes under José de San Martín to Chile and beyond; the northern revolution, more closely monitored by Spain, was led by Simón Bolívar from Venezuela to New Granada, back to its birthplace and on to Quito and Guayaquil.KeywordsFree TradeEighteenth CenturyWoollen ClothFrench RevolutionAmerican RevolutionThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

This definitive encyclopedia, originally published in 1983 and now available as an ebook for the first time, covers the American Revolution, comes in two volumes and contains 865 entries on the war for American independence. Included are essays (ranging from 250 to 25,000 words) on major and minor battles, and biographies of military men, partisan leaders, loyalist figures and war heroes, as well as strong coverage of political and diplomatic themes. The contributors present their summaries within the context of late 20th Century historiography about the American Revolution. Every entry has been written by a subject specialist, and is accompanied by a bibliography to aid further research. Extensively illustrated with maps, the volumes also contain a chronology of events, glossary and substantial index.

Journal Article The American Revolution and the Politics of Liberty. By Robert H. Webking. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988. xviii + 181 pp. $25.00.) Get access Christopher Collier Christopher Collier University of Connecticut Storrs Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 76, Issue 4, March 1990, Page 1257, https://doi.org/10.2307/2936626 Published: 01 March 1990

An adequate supply of the right kinds of foods is critical to an army's success on the march and on the battlefield. Good food supplies and a dire lack of provisions have profound effects on the regulation, confidence, esprit de corps, and physical state of an army. The American War of Independence (1775-1783) provides a challenging case study of this principle. The relationship between food and troop morale has been previously discussed as just one of many factors that contributed to the success of the Continental Army, but has not been fully explored as a single issue in its own right. I argue that despite the failures of three provisioning system adopted by the Continental Congress - the Commissariat, the state system of specific supplies, and the contract system - the army did keep up its morale and achieve the victory that resulted in independence from Great Britain. The evidence reveals that despite the poor provisioning, the American army was fed in the field for eight years thanks largely to its ability to forage for its food. This foraging system, if it can be called a system, was adequate to sustain morale and perseverance.